Deze scriptie bestudeert het politieke klimaat van Frans-Baskenland tussen 1887 en 1907 aan de hand van de krant genaamd Eskualduna. De krant werd opgericht in 1887 en doet vanuit een katholiek en...Show moreDeze scriptie bestudeert het politieke klimaat van Frans-Baskenland tussen 1887 en 1907 aan de hand van de krant genaamd Eskualduna. De krant werd opgericht in 1887 en doet vanuit een katholiek en conservatief perspectief verslag over zowel de nationale als de lokale politiek. Dit werkstuk onderzoekt hoe de krant zich verhield tot aan de ene kant het Baskische nationalisme, een ideologie die streeft naar een onafhankelijke Baskische staat, en aan de andere kant het Franse regionalisme, een gedachtegoed waarin de Franse regio's worden verheerlijkt, maar binnen een Frans-nationalistisch raamwerk.Show less
For more than a decade, the West African Sahel has grappled with terrorist insurgencies. Particularly in the Malian desert and the Lake Chad basin have they been able to recruit the impoverished...Show moreFor more than a decade, the West African Sahel has grappled with terrorist insurgencies. Particularly in the Malian desert and the Lake Chad basin have they been able to recruit the impoverished population and terrorise the region. Due to the lawlessness, terrorist organisations have expanded their operations across the borders and have become transnational threats. In response, states in the region have turned to regional organisations for support. The African Union and ECOWAS are seen as crucial security actors in the region as they have supported and participated in counterterrorism operations. However, recently these organisations have been less active on this front, and states have instead established ad-hoc multinational anti-terrorism coalitions. These have become the FC-G5S, which operate in Mali, and the MNJTF, in the Lake Chad Basin. As this shift in security actors has become apparent, it is essential to understand how each organisation contributes to counter-terrorist operations. The increasingly complex array of security actors in the West African Sahel, marred by funding issues and logistical constraints, calls for more research on their activities and how they intersect. Therefore, this thesis provides an analysis of each organisation’s efforts, their effectiveness, and how they compare using a New Regionalist Approach.Show less
Utilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the...Show moreUtilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the theoretical framework and literature, two hypotheses based on party-political congruence and interest compatibility are formulated. The analysis of party-political congruence and executive overlap as determinant shows that there are big differences in the level of congruence between provincial regions of The Netherlands. However, the analysis likewise shows that party-political congruence solely attributes little to the extend of regional cooperation in EU-affairs. This resulted in the determinant of party-political congruence being refuted. However, when we reformulate and add the dimensions of party ideology, executive (party) network and coalition agreements to the equation, political congruence increases in validity as supporting factor for regional cooperation. The analysis of interest compatibility shows that that there are significant differences in the degree of interest compatibility between different provinces within different regions in The Netherlands. This variation results in significant different outcomes when it come to regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Hence, interest compatibility is accepted as determinant factor. When further scrutinizing, it appears that social, economic and geographical provincial characteristics are important conditions for interest compatibility. In conclusion to the thesis' main question, it’s the compatibility of provincial interests and proactive executives which are the drivers behind regional cooperation. When provinces are characteristically alike, have well-connected executives, pro-European parties in the regional assemblies and European funds maintain well-defined criteria, regional cooperation can be a logical phenomenon in The Netherlands.Show less
Regional acts of terrorism remain a significant problem for the countries of West Africa. This thesis seeks to explain the reasons for rebel movements to resort to such sub-national terrorism. By...Show moreRegional acts of terrorism remain a significant problem for the countries of West Africa. This thesis seeks to explain the reasons for rebel movements to resort to such sub-national terrorism. By basing its theoretical framework on the academic literature explaining violence against civilians, this thesis explores the phenomenon of sub-national terrorism. The rebel movements of Boko Haram, the Movement of Democratic Forces in the Casamance (MFDC) and the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) are discussed. By giving meaning to the use of violence against civilians across West Africa, this work aims to discover what exactly leads rebel organizations towards employing methods of sub-national terrorism.Show less
The EU-ACP relationship is very old and has developed much over time. After three trade disputes at the WTO level, the unilateral trade preferences that ACP countries enjoyed under the Cotonou...Show moreThe EU-ACP relationship is very old and has developed much over time. After three trade disputes at the WTO level, the unilateral trade preferences that ACP countries enjoyed under the Cotonou Agreement, ceased to exist in 2008. Therefore, regional Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the EU and several groupings of the ACP countries were meant to enter into force to ensure continued economic cooperation between the EU and the ACP. Furthermore, the EU envisioned the EPA agreements to further strengthen the regionalisation processes within the African continent. However, the EPA negotiations have proven to be very difficult since only 4 out of 7 regional EPAs have come into force. This comparative case study takes a regionalist approach and focusses on the political and economic effects that the implementation of the SADC EPA and the two West African stepping stone EPAs with Ghana and the Ivory Coast have had on the ECOWAS and SADC countries. In particular, the author has analysed UNCTAD trade and investment statistics and has conducted interviewees with African regional experts and EU officials. The results show that the EPA agreements do support deeper regional economic and political integration among the African EPA member states. However, due to the different composition of the EPA groupings and the already existing African Regional Economic Communities (RECs), the implementation of the EPAs have hindered the integration process of both the ECOWAS and SADC projects.Show less
In order to come to a new understanding of Austrian and even Central European history, this thesis questions the notion of 1918 as a watershed moment through an analysis of Linz’s festive culture...Show moreIn order to come to a new understanding of Austrian and even Central European history, this thesis questions the notion of 1918 as a watershed moment through an analysis of Linz’s festive culture in the period 1908-1928. This thesis illustrates the existence of a wide array of continuities in three layers of territorial identification – local, regional, and national – inherent in the city’s festive culture and divides this process into three categories: community building, ascribed commonalities, and feelings of belonging. The interaction between layers of identification provided a sustainable foundation for identity, which could overcome major upheavals like the First World War and the fall of the Habsburg Empire. In addition to interpreting these layers as nested identities, this thesis explores the importance of rhythms as a source for continuity in daily life. Preserving traditions and customs in practices often outweighed other considerations, such as displaying political views, in organizing local festivities. The repetition of a set of practices transcended party lines and shows that Social Democrats, Christian Socials, and German Nationalists all valued the use of these practices, albeit using them to create different territorially bounded narratives. Finally, this thesis argues that an overemphasis on capitals and crises in historiography has created a distorted view of this period and, consequently, advocates a new focus on localities, regions and stability.Show less
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) stands at the forefront of Southeast Asian regional cooperation. Within its fifty years of existence, ASEAN has faced many challenges, among them...Show moreThe Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) stands at the forefront of Southeast Asian regional cooperation. Within its fifty years of existence, ASEAN has faced many challenges, among them the territorial disputes in the South China Sea involving overlapping claims of its member countries with China. Despite ASEAN’s efforts to create peace and stability in the region, effective multilateral measures remain scarce. Although often praised as a strong point of ASEAN, this thesis highlights that ASEAN’s diversity remains one of its main weaknesses in finding common ground for multilateral approaches in regional security.Show less
The present work aims at providing more insight into the complex nature of regionalism in Latin America. By determining three variables, presidential diplomacy, ideological convergence and the...Show moreThe present work aims at providing more insight into the complex nature of regionalism in Latin America. By determining three variables, presidential diplomacy, ideological convergence and the absence of regional hegemons, Latin American regional organizations will be assessed. The first chapter will provide an overview of the analytical tools deployed for this analysis. Subsequently, in the second chapter, historical trends will be established by considering the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) and the Andean Pact. Finally, the influence of the three variables on two contemporary regional organizations, the Pacific Alliance and Mercosur, will be analysed in the third chapter. The hypothesis directing this analysis is as follows: “Presidential diplomacy, ideological convergence and the absence of a regional hegemon have the potential of, or already have had, a negative influence on the Pacific Alliance and Mercosur’s stability and the achievement of their long-term objectives.”Show less
A case study with regards to the different level of regionalism in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). Examination on how these different levels of regional integration react to various conflict of...Show moreA case study with regards to the different level of regionalism in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). Examination on how these different levels of regional integration react to various conflict of interest.Show less
The end of the Cold War changed the structure of international relations. It led scholars to expand on Neo-medievalism supporting its adequacy to the contemporary world. This thesis evaluates the...Show moreThe end of the Cold War changed the structure of international relations. It led scholars to expand on Neo-medievalism supporting its adequacy to the contemporary world. This thesis evaluates the relevance and applicability of Neo-medievalism to West and East Africa and assesses its impact on the two regions' security. Based on empirical evidence, this study finds that Neo-medievalism can be applied to the regions to a satisfactory extent, and establish connections between security issues and the studied contemporary developments.Show less
The complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and...Show moreThe complex nature of peace and security threats demands a profound approach that tackles the problem at its roots. Especially regional conflicts are highly interconnected with many causes and stakeholders, requiring the right collaborations between local, regional and international institutions. The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of the African Union as a regional actor versus the United Nations as an international actor in addressing these complex challenges. The underlying motive is to research regional competences, difficulties and possibilities in the role as security actor. To do this, the regional and international response to the militant group Boko Haram in Nigeria is used to provide insight in the different dimensions of this conflict. It is argued that on the one hand, the African Union can act faster and is more relevant in cases of a regional conflict, but on the other hand suffers from a lack of neutrality. Besides this, the amount of resources and authority is limited, and financial means and legitimacy have mainly been provided by the United Nations up until now. Although the extent of influence is difficult to measure, the African Union has the potential to be of more significance and to increase its influence in effectively addressing regional conflicts on the African continent.Show less
The theory on (security) regionalism has shown that both the SCO and AU are considered to be part of ‘weak state IO’s’, which was proven through the variables put forward by Kelly. Both the SCO and...Show moreThe theory on (security) regionalism has shown that both the SCO and AU are considered to be part of ‘weak state IO’s’, which was proven through the variables put forward by Kelly. Both the SCO and AU strengthen sovereignty by turning the security dilemma inwards, so as to handle the issue themselves, with varying degrees of success. However, the AU is susceptible to intervention from above or from one of its members, if the situation is deemed sufficiently worrying and ‘grave circumstances’ have been observed. The relationships between the individual states and their regional organisations are significantly different, due to their own power projection capabilities. China’s power projection capability is the second largest in the world and will continue to improve, as military spending will increase. Meanwhile, Nigeria’s socio-economic and governance issues have been obstacles in acquiring sufficient growth and thus projecting power. This was also shown in the case study and the government’s approach to handling the issue, eventually leading to the formation of the MNJTF together with its mandate to defeat Boko Haram. By imposing hard-hitting measures on the region, China is able to keep terrorist attacks inside the country to a minimum, while allowing law enforcement agencies to catch-up with the terrorists. This is exactly how the CT theory was explained in theory and thus proves its efficacy in action. The African Union’s military approach has emerged through the lack of control Nigeria’s government has over its territory and lack of effective law enforcement measures. As Boko Haram spread across borders, a multinational task force was established to combat the group. It shows that the framework to combat terrorism established by the SCO RATS has a more effective approach. However, due to the nature of these autocratic regimes and the tendency of elites in these regimes to use the regional security organisations for the purpose of promoting their “collective internal security”, the chance remains high for abuses of power, suppression of minorities and human rights abuses. This is what the thesis found for the situation in China; with the contested designation of ETIM as a terrorist organization, and ‘loose’ framework in SCO RATS to designate all unwanted ‘activities’ as terrorism. Although it has proven significantly effective, the provisions in the SCO RATS are at times vague such as ‘preventive measures’, which could be used to manipulate or even infringe upon basic human rights. Therefore, this paper would recommend to implement a regional oversight committee, including neutral UN observers which would provide checks and balances on the military (hard) and law enforcement (soft) measures. This seems highly unlikely, China’s capabilities have proven to be effective in getting international recognition but handling the issue discreetly by itself. Therefore, for China or other SCO members to ask for outsiders to join contradicts the essence of what the SCO is in the eyes of China, a way to gain international legitimacy and recognition, but also a way to keep external influence out of the region and letting them handle the problem by their own.Show less
The European Union (EU) has actively sought to reinforce existing processes of political, economic and social integration beyond its borders, to other regional groups around the world. In...Show moreThe European Union (EU) has actively sought to reinforce existing processes of political, economic and social integration beyond its borders, to other regional groups around the world. In particular, the EU has pursued Latin America to establish institutionalized region-to-region partnerships, through which they have actively promoted the integration of their sub-regional counterparts. The receptivity of Latin American regional projects to the EUs support has resulted in the emulation of European institutional design and processes of integration. Nevertheless, although they emulate European structures, none have been able to replicate the transfer of political authority that endows Europe with its distinctive supra-nationality. The following paper seeks to address these results and answer the question of why, given the EU support towards regional integration, supra-nationality is not present in the South American (Mercosur) or Central American (SICA) regional projects.Show less
“A República Federativa do Brasil buscará a integração económica, política, social e cultural dos povos da América Latina, visando à formação de uma comunidade latino-americana de nações” - 1988...Show more“A República Federativa do Brasil buscará a integração económica, política, social e cultural dos povos da América Latina, visando à formação de uma comunidade latino-americana de nações” - 1988 Brazilian Constitution In the Brazilian constitution of 1988 it was already determined that regional integration of Latin America on various levels would be of great relevance to Brazil’s future foreign policy strategies (Gratius and Saraiva 3). Throughout history, Brazil has used its geographical size, population, and large economy as motives for Brazil to expand its influence in the international order. Economically, Brazil has the 7th highest GDP in the world (World Bank). Much has been written about Brazilian foreign policy during various periods and under different leaders (Burges “Brazilian” 6). This thesis examines Brazil’s foreign policy during Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s and Dilma Rousseff’s presidencies. Through a theoretical framework of the concepts of pragmatism, autonomy, and regionalism, Brazil’s role in the international arena is examined. Although pragmatism and autonomy are relatively continuous elements of Brazilian foreign policy which have been discussed in academic literature extensively, their relation to the regional integration and increasing international influence of Brazil has not been researched as much. The theoretical framework thus aims to create a foundation on which further analysis of Brazil since 2003 can be based. Through a contextual analysis of post-Cold War Brazil in relation to the theoretical framework, insight is given in order to further understand Brazil’s foreign policy strategy since 2003. Thus by combining the theoretical framework with the historical background of Brazilian foreign policy, a case study of Brazilian foreign policy can be executed. Within the case study Brazil’s ambition to exert itself as a regional leader, and consequently gain influence in the international arena is discussed through Brazil’s position in Mercosur and other (regional) bodies. An analysis of Brazil’s foreign policy decisions under Lula and Rousseff regarding these aforementioned concepts give insight into the rising influence of Brazil. Furthermore, through this comparative analysis the policy implications for Brazil’s (near) future can be outlined. Thus this thesis answers the question in what ways has Brazil further established its regional and international presence through foreign policy decisions regarding regional bodies, such as Mercosur, since Lula became president in 2003? in order to gain greater insight into Brazil’s future position in the international order.Show less
This paper explores the effects of crises on institution building. More readily, it highlights the 1997 Asian Crisis and the 2008 Global Financial Crisis as catalysts for changing East Asia’s...Show moreThis paper explores the effects of crises on institution building. More readily, it highlights the 1997 Asian Crisis and the 2008 Global Financial Crisis as catalysts for changing East Asia’s economic structure. An outcome of these crises has been the increased regionalism of East Asia, which has led to a greater regional interdependence, and a subsequent shift away from Washington and economic dependence on the U.S. This analysis will be done through a combination of Calder’s critical juncture and Sheng’s institutional building. Additionally, this thesis will examine the importance of ASEAN and China as leaders for this regionalism. The approach taken in this thesis suggests that these crises have greatly undermined the norms promoted by U.S. led institutions, and largely define the today’s crisis of neoliberalismShow less
Regional integration is on the political agenda in all parts of the world. During the time of post-colonial development and liberation struggles, Southern Africa saw its share of attempts at closer...Show moreRegional integration is on the political agenda in all parts of the world. During the time of post-colonial development and liberation struggles, Southern Africa saw its share of attempts at closer economic and political ties between states within the region. Today, the dominant regional organization in Southern Africa is the Southern African Development Community. Many regional organizations in the developing world, including SADC, explicitly state that a large part of the regional integration project is towards a goal of attracting an increase in foreign direct investment. The ability to attract FDI is based on various factors; covering many of these is the combined level of perceived political risk. Economic and political instability, social unrest, ethnic and military conflict, corruption in government, the threat of expropriation and breaches of contract; political risk is a multi-faceted concept. The thesis identifies what types of political risks are prevalent in the Southern African region. The research focus addresses what SADC as a regional actor has contributed towards lowering the levels of political risk in specific countries and parts of the region. The thesis demonstrates that as theoretical assumptions and empirical evidence argue that regional integration is positive for the ability to attract FDI, Southern African countries face many obstacles on the way towards a fully integrated economic community. Meanwhile, the prospects for peace and security in the region are better at present than twenty years ago. The establishment and maintenance of legal, security and financial frameworks that would add to securing the interests of both the foreign investors and the host country and government are often lacking. Furthermore, the implementation of regional institutions have been hampered by various factors, including the member states’ own interests and a general unwillingness towards ceding sovereignty to transnational institutions . The role of South Africa as a regional hegemon and key policy-maker within SADC is discussed in order to further examine the regional dynamics in Southern Africa.Show less
