This thesis investigates the processes of repression and exclusion of the Palestinian refugee in the Arab host-state. A theoretical framework using theories from Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt,...Show moreThis thesis investigates the processes of repression and exclusion of the Palestinian refugee in the Arab host-state. A theoretical framework using theories from Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt, Giorgio Agamben, Michael Hardt, and Antonio Negri, is used to analyse the situation of the refugee in the three case studies of Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. It is argued that biopolitics are employed to control and exclude the Palestinian refugee. The host-state excuses this exclusion through the retoric of the incommensurability of the right of return to Palestine with citizenship of the host-state. Gaining citizenship of the host-state supposedly cancels the right of return to Palestine. This discourse is a tool that is employed by the host-states when he refugee proses a threat to their status quo. This thesis disagrees with this supposed incommensurability argueing that the two can co-exist. Furthermore, an analysis of the situation of the Palestinian refugee in the case studies leads to the conclusion that Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben were right when argueing that the nation-state is the only institution capable of upholding human rights and that without citizenship the refugee is vulnerable and without protection. Because of this, serious steps need to be taken towards citizenship for the Palestinian refugee.Show less
In late 2019, Chile and Colombia witnessed mass protests of historic dimensions that united different generations, ideologies, and sectors of civil society in their dissatisfaction with their...Show moreIn late 2019, Chile and Colombia witnessed mass protests of historic dimensions that united different generations, ideologies, and sectors of civil society in their dissatisfaction with their governments, the current neoliberal model, its socio-economic policies and malaises like inequality, poverty, and violence. The mostly peaceful and brutally repressed protests vary in their immediate political outcomes. While the Chilean case can be considered a success story, which achieved the start of a constitutional reform process, Colombia’s protests did not induce any significant political transformation. Why do protests with similar characteristics lead to different short-term political outcomes? Applying a comparative case study of the most-similar cases of the 2019-2020 mass protests in Chile and Colombia, this study argues that classic explanations regarding endogenous and exogenous variables of social movements fall short of explaining these different outcomes. Instead, this article suggests that short-term protest “success” and “failure” can be better explained by a society’s history of repression and its consequences for collective experience with protest mobilization. This proposed hypothesis is based on a theoretical framework combining social movement literature and research on the repression-mobilization relationship and is examined in a document analysis of material from a wide array of sources on the protests.Show less
The Black Lives Matter movement in the United States and the End SARS movement in Nigeria were both perceived as a threat to their respective governments. Protesters of both movements were met...Show moreThe Black Lives Matter movement in the United States and the End SARS movement in Nigeria were both perceived as a threat to their respective governments. Protesters of both movements were met excessive force during the 2020 protests. Protesters of the End SARS movement in Nigeria were met with excessive force from the very beginning of the protests, whilst demonstrators of the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States were met with excessive force in a much later stadium of the protests. The goal of this thesis is to explain how a variation in threat perception of social movements against police brutality result in different government responses. This study is a qualitative research, making use of a comparative case study approach. By applying Walt’s Threat Perception Theory, the researcher argues that four factors determine the level of threat of social movements. Namely, aggregate power, geographic proximity, offensive capabilities, and aggressive intentions. The paper found that although a movement’s aggregate power and geographic proximity are sufficient factors for a movement to be perceived as threatening, some governments will not engage in repressive behavior until there is an increase in the movement’s aggressive intentions. This disparity in threat perception explains the difference in government response. This research demonstrates that Walt’s threat perception theory, although being a state-centric approach, is applicable to protests and social movements as well.Show less
In an unprecedented era of rebellion, social mobilisation, repression and state terror, regime leaders have found themselves challenged by citizens to step–down from the political sphere. Often,...Show moreIn an unprecedented era of rebellion, social mobilisation, repression and state terror, regime leaders have found themselves challenged by citizens to step–down from the political sphere. Often, the response to these challenges is to repress citizens into political quiescence. However, just as much as protests can be unsuccessful, as can the tools used to suppress them. This thesis will evaluate the effects of repression on protests demands through a quantitative, large–N study of the repressiveness of a regime (on a scale of 1–5), and the demands of protests (regime change or not) in the Middle East and North Africa countries. This was done by combining the Political Terror Scale, and Chenoweth & Shay’s NAVCO1.3. Furthermore, by exploring the threat perception theory, the backlash hypothesis, and conducting a Chi–Square test of the above variables, the thesis came to the conclusion that there is a positive, moderate correlation between repressiveness of regime and protest demands, as well as being statistically significant.Show less
For three decades, loyalist militias, republican paramilitaries and the British Army fought against each other with Northern Ireland as their battlefield, the cities Belfast and Derry in particular...Show moreFor three decades, loyalist militias, republican paramilitaries and the British Army fought against each other with Northern Ireland as their battlefield, the cities Belfast and Derry in particular. Daily life was often severely interrupted by bombings, shootings, house searches and vehicle checks. Even though a peace agreement was achieved just before the turn of the 21st century, the country continues to experience a clear sectarian divide. Worldwide, many states are faced with similar problems of political or religious divides, often resulting in violence. Solutions to this type of violence are much debated and sought after, meaning that investigations into previous conflicts and how these were handled, or perhaps could have been prevented, are still of great importance, even decades after. Why did the Northern Irish conflict, referred to as ‘the Troubles’, continue to wage on for so long? Why were the combined efforts of the Northern Irish and British governments unable to control the violence that was taking over their country?Show less
Kazakhstan is a consolidated authoritarian regime that introduced in 2017 a new set of amendments titled “On Changes and Amendments to Some Legal Acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan On Countering...Show moreKazakhstan is a consolidated authoritarian regime that introduced in 2017 a new set of amendments titled “On Changes and Amendments to Some Legal Acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan On Countering Extremism and Terrorism”. The amendments concern migration, freedom of religion, communication and circulation of weapons and thereby increase restrictions on human rights. They functioned as a reaction to three events that took place in 2016: an amok-run in Almaty, a serious act of terrorism in Aktobe and nation-wide protests. All of these events were untypical for the otherwise stable situation in Kazakhstan. This master thesis analyses whether the amendments content reflects their creators rational (event-specific) decision-making or whether it represents the next step of a developmental trajectory that is locked-in by long established legal provisions (path dependence)and maintained by irrational decision-making (e.g. habits).Show less
