Philip Pettit’s modern republican theory is a fundamental project, which seeks to rearrange the system of social and political institutions in order to provide and defend freedom as non-domination....Show morePhilip Pettit’s modern republican theory is a fundamental project, which seeks to rearrange the system of social and political institutions in order to provide and defend freedom as non-domination. The thesis examines Pettit’s idea of contestatory democracy as the basic means of promoting freedom as non-domination in the republic. The paper argues that within Pettit’s framework the rights to political participation are turned into duties. Due to this fact, the republican conditions create a disadvantaged position for certain groups and individuals, who find political participation absolutely unacceptable for themselves. The thesis concludes that this disadvantaged position can be considered as dominated in Pettit’s own terms. This conclusion questions the overall success of the project designed for provision of freedom as non-domination.Show less
Abstract: Since four decades actual liberal democracies are characterized by the development that material wealth increasingly concentrates in the hands of a small fraction of society. This...Show moreAbstract: Since four decades actual liberal democracies are characterized by the development that material wealth increasingly concentrates in the hands of a small fraction of society. This development is especially problematic for the most central value of liberal societies: liberty. This is because individuals enjoy liberty only if they are guaranteed equal democratic codetermination. In the first chapter I argue, that massive concentrations of material wealth undermine the democratic process because material power can be transferred to political power. To safeguard liberty new economic institutions have to be found that guarantee equal political codetermination necessitating the prevention of massive concentrations of wealth in the hands of a minority of society. In the second chapter I introduce Alan Thomas’ proposal that aims at giving a feasible solution for liberal societies that face the threat of a loss of liberty by dominating economic elites. Thomas suggests rearranging the economic institutions such that democratic equality is guaranteed. This he sees met by the institutions of a property-owning democracy that characterises especially by the widespread dispersion of capital among citizens. Thomas claims that a property-owning democracy is superior to other types of economic organization because it is not only structuring social interaction such that outcomes are just, but he also sees it mastering the task to reconcile economic efficiency with democratic equality. The feasibility of Thomas’ proposal to safeguard liberty are centre of the discussion in the third chapter.Show less
This thesis explores the nature, longevity and intensity of Anglophobia in Dutch public debate, between 1756 and 1784. Although the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War triggered the Patriot Era, this subject...Show moreThis thesis explores the nature, longevity and intensity of Anglophobia in Dutch public debate, between 1756 and 1784. Although the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War triggered the Patriot Era, this subject has not seen any study. At most, Anglophobia has been represented as marginal to the domestic critique on the Stadholder William V and the oligarchic regents, a consequence of the focus in the historiography on domestic political developments, most notably, the republican Patriot ideology. This thesis aims to show that Anglophobia was a dominant undercurrent in the Dutch Republic, also within that republican Patriotic discourse that has up till now been considered Francophobic. Anglophobia was contingent on contextual events as well as deeper laying developments. The Seven Year War brought about a conflict between Britain and the Dutch Republic over maritime treaties after the Dutch decided to stay neutral. The declining Dutch economy made trade with Britain’s enemies during war a very profitable prospect. Therefore, Britain captured Dutch ships. The resulting conflict was sharpened by the dynastic links of the House of Orange with Britain. This context is crucial to understand the outrage against Britain in this period. During the Seven Year War, Anglophobic imagery was used in debates surrounding piracy, neutrality and dynasty. National particularistic stereotyping was used to depict the English negatively, further shaped by a historical consciousness of the seventeenth century, when the roles were reversed and the Dutch Republic was deemed more powerful. Sources point to Britain as playing a part in both the deeper lying sense of cultural insecurity in Dutch society, and the ‘moral corruption’ narrative that was a product of it. But during the 1770s, influenced in part by the American Revolutionary War, Anglophobia was used to reflect positively upon the situation, identity and history of the Dutch. Indeed, the same problems occurred with English privateers like in the Seven Year War. But the Anglophobia around this time received more intellectual argumentation. Britain was increasingly depicted as ‘despotic’, antithetical to republican ‘freedom-loving’ values. This narrative was strengthened by international Anglophobia, and more specifically, by English patriots themselves. However, Dutch writers misunderstood the signs of British power as they predicted its imminent downfall. Even when war broke out that optimism lingered. The cumulative Anglophobic frustration exploded in a feast of songs, poems and celebrations. Ultimately, when the humiliation of the war was irrefutable, Anglophobic turned against domestic ‘traitors’.Show less
This dissertation seeks to determine whether either anarchism or republicanism can realise the ideal of non-domination . Such work is of interest as adherents of these political ideologies, both...Show moreThis dissertation seeks to determine whether either anarchism or republicanism can realise the ideal of non-domination . Such work is of interest as adherents of these political ideologies, both increasingly prominent in recent years, have advanced their positions through the language of non-domination. It is argued that the republican approach to pursuing non-domination is, ultimately, unsuccessful. In contrast, it will be shown that anarchism, both in its ideals and its practices, is compatible with a plausible account of non-domination.Show less
