Islamist extremists are often viewed as the primary threat within extremism by the public, both in its violent and non-violent form, according to existing literature. However, numerous scholars...Show moreIslamist extremists are often viewed as the primary threat within extremism by the public, both in its violent and non-violent form, according to existing literature. However, numerous scholars would argue that right-wing extremists are an equally significant threat, and should be put next to Islamist extremists on the security agenda. This paper sought to explore whether perceptions of fair countermeasures against an extremist are influenced by the extremist’s ideological identity, specifically between right-wing extremism and Islamist extremism. This paper’s literature review identified the Social Identity Theory (SIT) and the role of mass media as primary reasons for public perceptions of Islamist extremists as the bigger threat. Nevertheless, through a quantitative survey experiment with 124 respondents, it was found that the study participants perceived the right-wing extremist to be equally as big of a threat as the Islamist extremist. These results are opposing previous literature, but at the same time confirming statistical evidence of both extremist branches being equally great threats. Should these results be confirmed by experts, a shift has happened in the Western population’s perceptions of and attitudes toward right-wing extremists. Hence, policy-makers need to critically review and consider this enhanced public fear and spend more resources to counteract right-wing extremism, and to restore feelings of safety.Show less
The growing prevalence and popularity of Right Wing Populist organisations and figures across much of Western Europe remains one of the most pertinent political issues in the region. Through the...Show moreThe growing prevalence and popularity of Right Wing Populist organisations and figures across much of Western Europe remains one of the most pertinent political issues in the region. Through the successful exploitation of a controversial ideology broadly concerned with national sovereignty, nativism, and anti-elitism, Right Wing Populists have been able secure increasingly larger segments of the electorate and thus enter the political mainstream in many European countries. The recentness and rapidity of this phenomenon has spurred a great deal of popular and media interest. Much of this has been wholly negative, defined by explicit comparisons of Right Wing Populists to 20th century totalitarians and lengthy critiques about the perceived dangers of their platforms. Within Academia, several new theses have emerged which seek to account for these movements and extrapolate the underlying conditions fuelling their rise. This dissertation demonstrates how many of these academic theses, despite their modernity and differing conclusions, echo strands of functionalist and anti-popular mentalities that were prominent in the early half of the early 20th century. More specifically, due to their focus on economic and demographic factors as being the primary motivating force behind support for Right Wing Populism, they mirror Hannah Arendt’s conceptualisation of the ‘Masses’, whereby she claims that 20th century totalitarian movements were only able to secure power through the mobilisation of a large body of citizenry which had been rendered identity-less and embittered as a result of the rapid social and economic changes witnessed during the preceding century. By doing so, these do two things. Firstly, they tacitly agree with popular claims that these movements are the spiritual successors to 20th century totalitarians. Secondly, by ignoring or downplaying potential ideological or cultural conditions, such theses serve to delegitimise and trivialise support for Right Wing Populist movements, thus constricting political discourse. In response, this dissertation argues, using a number of comparative case studies chosen according to the least-similar case design as defined by Christopher Lamont, that these materialist understandings of the support for Right Wing Populists and, by extension, the various assumptions from which they derive, have lost much of their validity in the 21st century. Rather, this dissertation puts forward that support for these organisations is for the most part the consequence of preexisting cultural and historical factors, combined with rational self-interest, which persist across generations regardless of material changes. Fulfilment of this aim is fundamental as it encourages policy makers to re-assess their preconceived notions of Right-Wing Populists and consequently develop a more all-rounded understanding of them, which in turn allows the production of more relevant and effective positions to address the social conditions stimulating their growth.Show less
