Following a military crackdown in Myanmar’s state of Rakhine in 2017, increased reports of violence and displacement of Rohingya surfaced. At the centre of these circumstances is the Rohingya ...Show moreFollowing a military crackdown in Myanmar’s state of Rakhine in 2017, increased reports of violence and displacement of Rohingya surfaced. At the centre of these circumstances is the Rohingya ‘statelessness’, resulting from the Rohingya’s denied membership to the political community of Myanmar. Legal Studies understands statelessness as a ‘legal anomaly’ relating to non-existence of a legal bond between a state and an individual. Although this understanding dominates discourse on statelessness, including that of the Rohingya, a shift away from this conceptualisation is evident in academic circles outside Legal Studies. Scholars in Humanities, Social Sciences and Political Philosophy warn it dehumanizes how statelessness is also an experienced state of being. Stressing need for alternative approaches, suggestions have been made about focusing on artistic accounts of statelessness. These have been embraced by organisations like Oxfam, who initiated a ‘Rohingya Realities; Rohingya Futures’ art competition campaign. During this campaign, Rohingya artists submitted artworks wherein they reflect on their realities, hopes and dreams. This thesis analyses how four poetic accounts of stateless Rohingya poets, in Oxfam’s art competition campaign, may humanize dominant discourse on the Rohingya’s statelessness. It is argued the poetic accounts humanize dominant discourse by, firstly, providing a means of seeing statelessness in terms of a human condition that is lived, felt, and experienced; secondly, drawing attention to the poets’ demonstration of agency through their experiential accounts of statelessness; and finally, the poems’ ability to create empathy and invite readers to think critically about the conceptual understanding of statelessness as well as the stateless reality the Rohingya face. Given this thesis intends to enquire into theoretical understandings of statelessness politically-philosophically and culturally, whilst analysing the so-far understudied contribution artistic accounts have to statelessness discourse, this thesis adds to interdisciplinary statelessness research.Show less
By investigating the ODA approaches of both Japan and the Republic of Korea considering the human rights crisis in Myanmar, the East Asian Development Model seems to hold. Both countries prioritize...Show moreBy investigating the ODA approaches of both Japan and the Republic of Korea considering the human rights crisis in Myanmar, the East Asian Development Model seems to hold. Both countries prioritize economic development over human rights issues, although they differ in their motivations. This theory-testing case analysis dives into a descriptive account of the actions of Japan and the ROK considering the Rohingya Crisis. While Japan struggles to deal with its imperial past and continues to argue for a kakehashi approach, it is found how human rights have taken second place behind economic development projects. Similarly, the ROK strives for recognition by trying to establish itself as a leader, yet simultaneously fails to lead the way when it comes to standing for the OECD/DAC norms. The descriptive account of both countries shows how human rights issues are snowed under by the importance given to economic development and a favorable relationship with the government of Myanmar.Show less
A master thesis on the factors that contributed to the ongoing Rohingya crisis in Myanmar and the ineffectiveness of the international human rights framework and United Nation Institutions.
The year 2018 saw the ratification of both the Strategic Partnership Agreement, as well as the Economic Partnership Agreement between Japan and the EU. These agreements constitute a major...Show moreThe year 2018 saw the ratification of both the Strategic Partnership Agreement, as well as the Economic Partnership Agreement between Japan and the EU. These agreements constitute a major enhancement of the bilateral relationship between Japan and the EU. A relationship, as both parties stress, that is founded on shared universal values. The two parties are often seen as natural partners, for both underscore the importance of maintaining the international order which rests upon these values. The EU advocates universal values through the inclusion of conditionality clauses in FTAs, linking political interests such as universal values with commercial benefits. In the past decades, the Japanese government, too, has shifted towards increasingly emphasizing universal values in its diplomacy. However, this thesis challenges the value-orientated rhetoric that surrounds the EU-Japan relationship. In this thesis it is argued that instead of natural allies, Japan and the EU are in fact artificial allies, as both sides interpret and implement values in ways that suit their respective foreign policies. This is demonstrated by means of a case study based on the Rohingya crisis. By analysing how Japan and the EU have approached this situation, this thesis seeks to shed light on a gap between Japanese and European foreign policies, and by extension a gap in the interpretation of universal values.Show less
“In 2012, violence erupted in Myanmar’s most Western state Rakhine between the Muslin population, the Rohingya and the Buddhist Arakanese. Like a fire, anti-Muslim violence spread across the...Show more“In 2012, violence erupted in Myanmar’s most Western state Rakhine between the Muslin population, the Rohingya and the Buddhist Arakanese. Like a fire, anti-Muslim violence spread across the country. Buddhist monks organised and spread a narrative of Buddhism in danger and a Muslim threat. Through sermons, they incited violence across the country. Hence, this thesis has asked what roles have monks played in the outbreak, and how through these roles they could spread a narrative of Muslim threat- It further discusses which narratives they have spread and why these narratives resonated in Myanmar and incited violence. The thesis will approach the issue from a historical approach by analysing the development of roles of Buddhist monks in Myanmar’s society before approaching it from a socio-political angle, discussing the role of monks within society. Research shows that through the roles as teachers and counsellors, as well as having authority over morality, monks have been able to exert immense influence over the Burmese society and people’s behaviour. Through their access to large parts of society, monks have been able to spread a narrative of a Muslim threat and a vulnerable Buddhist society. This narrative could resonate within the population due to historic preconditions and uncertainty in Burmese identities through the political transition.”Show less
The goal of this paper is to give an insight on the complexity issues connected with the role of China in the United Nation’s (UN) action upon the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle. The...Show moreThe goal of this paper is to give an insight on the complexity issues connected with the role of China in the United Nation’s (UN) action upon the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle. The research does so by analyzing the variety of steps undertaken, between August 2017 and February 2019, by the Security Council (SC), General Assembly (GA) and Human Rights Council (HRC), and China’s response to them in the UN in the context of the Rohingya Conflict within the three pillars concept. The Security Council is the most important decision making body in the UN and China has an important role in it as a member of the permanent five (P5). It’s growing importance in the UN and close relationship with Myanmar make it one of the most important actors in the peace process in Rakhine state. Even though China has accepted the R2P concept, it still remains cautious about its influence on the principle of sovereignty. The issue of the principle of sovereignty is often used by China as an narrative against putting more pressure on Myanmar’s government in regards to the Rohingya Conflict. Therefore, undertaking any decisive action by the UNSC under R2P proves to be a complex matter. This research thus agrees with major critiques of the UNSC structure and the R2P principle, which state that the R2P needs more clarification. However, the research also agrees that the R2P has been accepted into the UN as a norm and that China has assumed a key role as a mediator in the Rohingya Conflict using R2P as a narrative supporting its actions.Show less
From 2010, the historically isolated state of Myanmar began a transition to democracy, a transition which would bring the first elections in nearly two decades. The regime diluted political power...Show moreFrom 2010, the historically isolated state of Myanmar began a transition to democracy, a transition which would bring the first elections in nearly two decades. The regime diluted political power between the military and new civilian institutions, allowing for significant democratisation, market liberalisation and de-censoring of communications and media in the years which followed. Simultaneously, the military implemented the most intense period of atrocities in the northwestern periphery of Rakhine State, against the Rohingya Muslim minority. To date, no research has sufficiently explained why the opening up of the state of Myanmar to the international community coincided with atrocities, the severity of which may well amount to genocide. Scholarship generally attributes Myanmar’s crimes to ‘ethnic-cleavages’, a narrative which has been debunked in scholarship on other atrocity cases; or over-zealous counter-insurgency, despite no significant Rohingya insurgent group being in existence at the time these atrocities began. Rather than atrocities being coincidental to the democratisation process, this paper argues transition in fact sparked atrocities in Myanmar’s northwestern periphery, by destabilising an internal balance of power between elite rival factions. Based upon extant research into political violence, it poses a novel explanation for the timing of Myanmar’s atrocities against Rohingya Muslims. It argues that the resignation of elites in the military junta in order to compete in the 2010 elections resulted in heightened elite rivalry between the generals which took their place. Changes to the strategic environment of Myanmar’s new military leadership led to a calculation by which atrocities in Rakhine State were perceived as useful for new Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing. Having faced insecurity upon taking office in 2011, Senior General Hlaing had insurmountable control by 2018, suggesting atrocities in the northwest periphery had proven successful from the perspective of the new leadership. A new mechanism for the regression of democratisation to mass atrocities is posed, combining research into political violence with the chronology and context of Myanmar’s transition.Show less
Democratization of previously closed states is often lauded; however, it is an unstable process at the same time. This is also the case for Myanmar, especially for the Rohingya minority group that...Show moreDemocratization of previously closed states is often lauded; however, it is an unstable process at the same time. This is also the case for Myanmar, especially for the Rohingya minority group that reside in the Northern Rakhine state. In the fall of 2017, they were the victims of the biggest persecution of a minority group in the world in which 700.000 people fled over the border to Bangladesh, and an unknown number became internally displaced. This heavy persecution interferes with the period of democratization, something that is striking considering the emphasize on values such as freedom and equality in democracy. In my thesis, the research question will be: Does democratization help in protecting minority rights in Myanmar? It is argued that the absence of power sharing arrangements in Myanmar politics led to the persecution of the Rohingya minority. After the research, it could be concluded that the power sharing arrangements are not completely missing, yet, even the arrangements that are in place are not applicable to the Rohingya. The Rohingya minority became victim of persecution because there were no power sharing arrangements for them in specific that could give them a voice in politics and a political identity in order to mitigate the ethnic tensions.Show less
