On December 17, 2021, the Foreign Ministry of the Russian Federation published two draft treaties that demand various security guarantees from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the...Show moreOn December 17, 2021, the Foreign Ministry of the Russian Federation published two draft treaties that demand various security guarantees from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the United States. This meant that Russia wanted to reform the post-Cold War European security architecture. Upon the rejection of these proposals, Putin ordered the invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. Despite extensive scholarly research on Russia’s stance regarding European security, the debate revolves around realist and neo-realist perspectives which are not sufficient in comprehending the fundamental reasons behind why Russia wants to do so. For that reason, this thesis introduces a new theoretical approach called the ontological security theory. By adopting a post-structuralist methodology and discourse analysis, it argues that Moscow feels ontologically insecure due to the divergence between Moscow’s identity and its role in the post-Cold War European security architecture. Therefore, Russia sets its foreign policy for the “recognition” of its Self by the West, which is necessary for ontological security. The findings of this thesis also reveal the significance of identity in international relations and politics, as it brings alternative explanations to arguments put forward by grand IR theories regarding a phenomenon.Show less
In May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on...Show moreIn May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on others are on the way out. […] We Europeans have to take our destiny into our own hands’. The developments that followed were unique for the EU. The EU’s limited military structures already in place were being expanded, became more autonomous, and new mechanisms were created to foster more defence cooperation among the member states. Closer defence cooperation within the EU is generally being ascribed to geopolitical pressures, so how do the narratives of the US and Russia influence EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence? I combine the constructivist idea of perception with the realist idea of necessity and look at threat perception and the perceived necessity to cooperate further in defence. By analysing the narratives of the German and French political elite regarding EU defence cooperation in 2018, I come to the conclusion that while the US narratives significantly increase EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence, Russia’s narratives do not have such a significant impact.Show less
This thesis investigates how the German Federal Government lives up to its normative and international commitments and initiatives to harmonize arms export controls. By analyzing existing data from...Show moreThis thesis investigates how the German Federal Government lives up to its normative and international commitments and initiatives to harmonize arms export controls. By analyzing existing data from the Federal Government’s yearly reports on its policy on exports of conventional military equipment and applying the International Relations Theories of Neorealism and Neoliberalism, it highlights the inseparability of arms export policy frameworks and foreign and security policy interests in the case of Germany. Furthermore, this thesis calls attention to the hierarchical structure that exists within this inseparability where the country’s arms export policy framework is given a secondary role to its foreign and security interests.Show less
In this thesis, the following research question is answered: What is the reliability of Jan Danckaert’s Dutch description of seventeenth-century Muscovy? The methodology used is comparative...Show moreIn this thesis, the following research question is answered: What is the reliability of Jan Danckaert’s Dutch description of seventeenth-century Muscovy? The methodology used is comparative philology, through a close reading analysis a comparison is made between different texts to study whether one makes use of the other as a source. Only a preliminary answer can be given to the research question. On the one hand, since the work is not purely written by Danckaert, but makes use of information given by both Herberstein and Massa without mentioning these sources, it is not reliable as a source of how a Dutchman perceived Muscovy at the beginning of the seventeenth century. On the other hand, if you purely look at the ratio between chapters that are demonstrably copied and those that seem to be purely written by Danckaert, one could conclude that this work written by Danckaert is fairly reliable to see how the Dutch perceived the Russian people at the beginning of the seventeenth century. The negative image of the Russians that is conveyed in this work influences the way the Dutch perceive them, who at that time did not have many different sources on which they could base their opinion.Show less
Citizenship and the intertwined educational subject of civic education are highly contested, as the notion of citizenship is strongly dependent on the type of government with its specific political...Show moreCitizenship and the intertwined educational subject of civic education are highly contested, as the notion of citizenship is strongly dependent on the type of government with its specific political system and the cultural-historical development of a nation. The Russian Federation as the multinational successor state of the Soviet Union (SU) faced major struggles concerning notions of citizenship during the 1990s. After the collapse of the SU and leaving the notion of citizenship as ‘the builder of communism’ behind, the main focus of Russia was on democratization, but this changed after 2000, when patriotism was getting more prominent. A way to get access to Russia's conceptions of civic education is examining high school textbooks. An analysis of their content can provide a deeper understanding of how civic education is approached and practised in nowadays Russia, in shaping its next generation. This analysis applied three general conceptions of citizenship, namely liberal individualism, republicanism and communitarianism and argues that Russia fits the the communitarian approach the most.Show less
This thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the...Show moreThis thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the two main aspects of the Gibridnaya Voyna framework, NATO expansion and color revolutions, throughout major Russian documents from 1991 to 2016.Show less
In April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester...Show moreIn April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester was killed and over 1,000 were arrested, came to be known as ‘Bronze Night’ and were sparked by the removal and relocation of a Soviet-era monument, the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which had stood in the centre of the city since 1947. This study argues that the removal of the ‘Bronze Soldier' can be viewed as the culmination of a ‘memory war’ which has played out since independence and which highlights and contributes to a rift in Estonian society. Drawing on insights garnered from memory studies and elements of securitization theory, this study argues that the construction of a singular focused ‘memory regime’ by the Estonian state has led to increased marginalisation of the ethnic Russian population in the state. Such marginalisation led to the creation of a counter-memory regime, embodied by the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which was easily exploited by the Russian state. The ensuing ‘memory war’ between both interpretations of history ensured ongoing hostility and antagonism between both ethnic groups which culminated in the events witnessed in 2007. This study argues that the construction of a more critical and pluralistic historical narrative on the part of the Estonian state, as opposed to an incessant fixation on Russia, would ensure increased integration in Estonia and subsequently, foster a greater feeling of security on the part of the Estonian state.Show less
The thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian...Show moreThe thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian Economic Union.Show less
Secondary history education is only one of the many ways for a state apparatus to influence and be involved in constructing historical narratives and public memory. Yet, the state-sponsored history...Show moreSecondary history education is only one of the many ways for a state apparatus to influence and be involved in constructing historical narratives and public memory. Yet, the state-sponsored history aspect of compulsory secondary education plays a highly important role considering its target audience - a country's youth - and because of the clear articulation, widespread distribution and compelling moral framework of state-sponsored textbooks. In this thesis, the recent standardisation and nationalisation policy in Russia serves as a clear example of the increase of state control on history education. Adding to the existing state-sponsored history research on Russian secondary textbooks, this thesis approaches state-sponsored history from a historical perspective by examining the historical background of Russian state-sponsored history, while diving into an in-depth case study of one historical event: the revolutionary period of Russia in 1905, also referred to as the Russian Revolution of 1905. The re-evaluation of this short period of time could be summarised by three successive dominant perspectives in Russian state-sponsored history: two ideological perspectives (traditional socialism and Russian patriotism served by Great Russian nationalism) and one perspective characterised by pluralist revisionism that represents the re-evaluation of Russian history education during the 1990s. In regard to the standardisation period since the early 2000s, the state document called Kontseptsiya appeared to function as the cornerstone of the current educational policy, which is focused on instilling patriotism and re-affirming the status of Great Russia, while legitimising authoritarian values is promoted by certain historical interpretations of particularly tsar Nicholas II and Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin. As a final point, the Kontseptsiya included the political motivation to apply a new approach to the history of Russian culture as a continuous process of acquiring a national identity that is formed by its political and socio-economic development, which affirmed the role of state-sponsored history in the Russian state policy of social engineering or cultural reproduction to find a post-communist national identity that could measure up to the great power status of the former Russian Empire and Soviet Union. The conclusion of this historical case study of Russia in the theoretical framework of state-sponsored history leads to the awareness of state control on compulsory history education and raises the question of the desirability of international agreement on a universal basic understanding of history in secondary education.Show less
The Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has...Show moreThe Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has received much attention and is occasionally described as the region’s “wild card”, based on international wariness about an increasingly assertive Russian leadership. In the last decade, Moscow has significantly expanded its military capabilities in the region and has adopted a more securitised stance on economic development of its Arctic territories, yet at the same time, it has consistently been an active presence in Arctic regional cooperation. This thesis explores the seeming bipolarity in Russia’s behaviour by paying special attention to the link between ideational and material motivations. Premised on the idea that the formation of national interests of a state is closely connected with the formation of its national identity, it identifies Russia’s pursuit of great power status in the Arctic as a key driver of Russian Arctic policy. Borrowing from critical geopolitics, which suggests that territory and geography are subject of active formulation and reformulation by governments, this thesis analyses policy documents to illustrate how the Kremlin conceptualises three different understandings of the Arctic region (the Arctic as a zone of peace and cooperation; the Arctic as essential for ensuring national security; and the Arctic as a base for Russia’s economic revival) as guided by different interests.Show less
Both scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because...Show moreBoth scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because of its importance as “the spiritual source” of the Russian nation, others state that Russia’s historical claim to the peninsula was the reason for the annexation (Russia possessed it until 1954 when the Soviet leadership transferred it to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic). Another group claims it was a purely strategic decision since it allowed Russia to increase its military capabilities by taking over most of the Ukrainian Black See Fleet and that this was just the start of president Putin’s great power restoration campaign . Most of the explanations are rooted in either the realist theory that revolves around power maximisation and self-interest or the constructivist theory that focusses on norms and identities. This thesis will build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis determined if the four intervening variables neoclassical realism type III identified (e.g. leader images, strategic culture, state-society relations and domestic political institutions) affected the manner in which Russia responded to certain external stimuli (geography, military technology, distribution of power, polarity of the international system, clarity of the international system and the nature of state’s strategic environment) that lead to the annexation of Crimea. This thesis found that a state's strategic environment contributed most significantly to the decision to annex Crimea, because without the political turmoil going on within Ukraine it would have been unlikely that Russia would have succeeded. The research also found that the intervening variables of leader image and strategic culture played a part in the decision making process. Even though the strategic culture helped to gain acceptance among society, it was the leader image that was most influential in shaping the ultimate decision. In the case of Russia and Crimea, it is very clear that president Putin was the actor that made the annexation a reality.Show less
The downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a...Show moreThe downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a significant change in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia became possible as institutional constraints were suddenly loosened. By using process tracing this thesis studies the changes in Dutch foreign policy and the causal mechanism behind them following the downing of the airplane. The Dutch government initially took on a cautious position as it was hoping Russia could be convinced to cooperate with the investigation. However as the Kremlin continually spreads disinformation about Flight MH17 and consistently seeks to discredit and undermine the investigations, the Dutch government started to use more confrontational and less accommodating diplomatic tools. This is evidenced by the way in which the Dutch government exposed the foiled OPCW hacking attempt by the GRU as well as how it criticised Russia’s behaviour surrounding the downing of Flight MH17.Show less
Vladimir Putin has become one of the most significant Russian leaders. He has been at the head of the largest country in the world for nearly twenty years and has brought autocracy, according to...Show moreVladimir Putin has become one of the most significant Russian leaders. He has been at the head of the largest country in the world for nearly twenty years and has brought autocracy, according to his critics, and stability, according to his supporters. This research will remain focused on Putinism as an influential mechanism on other heads of state, informing the research question: To what extent has Putinism influenced the policies of Viktor Yanukovych and Ramzan Kadyrov from the year 2000? This topic is relevant as Putin’s charisma does play a severely important role in modern geopolitics, which has affected not only political opinions, but also wars and revolutions such as the Euromaidan Revolution, the annexation of Crimea and the war with Chechnya. Putinism is therefore presented as the theoretical framework of this research. For the purpose of this thesis, a comparative case analysis is put in practice, using the cases of Ukraine and Chechnya in order to answer the research question. Lastly, the conclusion will sum up the findings proving that both Yanukovych and Kadyrov were heavily influenced by Putinism.Show less
In February 2014, the Euromaidan Revolution culminated in the fall of the Yakukovych government in Ukraine. The Russian Federation responded with the illegal annexation of the Crimean Peninsula and...Show moreIn February 2014, the Euromaidan Revolution culminated in the fall of the Yakukovych government in Ukraine. The Russian Federation responded with the illegal annexation of the Crimean Peninsula and the backing of the pro-Russian unrest in the eastern regions of Ukraine. This escalated into an armed conflict which remains hostile to this day. This thesis aims to investigate the Russian hybrid warfare conducted against the state of Ukraine. Hybrid warfare is a controversial theory developed to explain the post-Cold War conflicts. Such conflicts often have blurred lines between conventional and unconventional methods and modes of warfare where a simultaneous usage of these intend to reach political objectives. The hybrid warfare assessment framework will be applied to the case study of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict.Show less
Sastrowijoto, Laurens Pepijn Henricus Helenius 2020
This thesis focuses on the different forms of Realism in the field of International Relations; Classical Realism, Neorealism and Neoclassical Realism. With Neoclassical Realism being the most...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the different forms of Realism in the field of International Relations; Classical Realism, Neorealism and Neoclassical Realism. With Neoclassical Realism being the most recent addition, researched is why and to what extent it may be more suitable to analyse Russia’s FP with a focus on Crimea’s annexation, compared to its predecessors.Show less
