This thesis argues that the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Ukraine president Petro Poroshenko have so far justified their territorial claims to Crimea in strikingly similar ways. Through a...Show moreThis thesis argues that the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Ukraine president Petro Poroshenko have so far justified their territorial claims to Crimea in strikingly similar ways. Through a qualitative and quantitative content analysis of each president's key speeches, this study finds that both presidents emphasise national-historical arguments when addressing a domestic audience and normative arguments when addressing an international audience, but that both presidents weave the two types of arguments together to create an overall narrative. When compared against each other, this study also finds that Putin uses the most national-historical arguments while Poroshenko uses the most normative arguments. Several conclusions are drawn from these findings, including that the plethora of possible legitimation strategies make positions in a conflict relatively easy to justify, that the Crimea conflict is likely to be intractable, and that more research should be conducted on legitimation strategies in territorial disputes.Show less
This thesis examines Japan-Russia relations through a critical discourse analysis of speeches and statements by Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and articles and editorials in the Japanese monthly...Show moreThis thesis examines Japan-Russia relations through a critical discourse analysis of speeches and statements by Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and articles and editorials in the Japanese monthly general-interest magazine Chūō Kōron published in the period of January 2014 to December 2015.Show less
Examining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for...Show moreExamining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for independent human rights organisations to work in Russia and that this is unlikely to improve in the future unless significant legislative changes are made.Show less
The European Union has identified a lack of energy supply security. In terms of importing natural gas, the EU is highly dependent on Russia, an energy partner deemed as unreliable by the EU due to...Show moreThe European Union has identified a lack of energy supply security. In terms of importing natural gas, the EU is highly dependent on Russia, an energy partner deemed as unreliable by the EU due to multiple reasons. Therefore, the EU has stated the objective of improving its energy security, most notably through diversification of energy supply. As a solution, the EU is looking at Turkey as an energy transit partner to reduce dependency on Russia. But is Turkey a viable solution to the EU’s objective of gaining energy security through diversification of energy supply? The literature has yet to pay sufficient attention to the basis political principles which have to be met by the EU’s new energy partner. This thesis uses securitization theory and a discourse analysis focused on ‘frames’ to demonstrate that the EU acknowledges its threat related to energy security and pushes Turkey forward as their new energy partner. Consequently, this research fills the gap in the literature by predominantly focusing on political arguments related to Turkey’s (un)stability and (un)reliability to conclude that by hailing Turkey as their new energy partner, the EU risks falling into the trap of not learning lessons from the past: Turkey’s reliability might be(come) just as problematic as Russia’s.Show less
At the EU-Russia St. Petersburg Summit in 2003 both parties agreed to start negotiations on agreements to simplify the procedure for issuing short-stay visas between the EU and Russia with visa...Show moreAt the EU-Russia St. Petersburg Summit in 2003 both parties agreed to start negotiations on agreements to simplify the procedure for issuing short-stay visas between the EU and Russia with visa-free travel as the ultimate goal. In December 2013, Russia declared all requirements and conditions outlined in the Common Steps to be fulfilled and that it is ready to move to the next phase, which is the preparing of a draft Visa Waiver Agreement. The EU, on the other hand, doesn’t consider all conditions to be fulfilled and insists on fulfilling all technical requirements before moving to the next phase. Therefore the main question that was posed: are the respective benefits and constraints of the EU and Russia related to visa liberalization mutually exclusive? From this research it became evident that Russia is only willing to fulfil technical requirements set out in the Common Steps document. Russia is less eager to carry out organizational reforms, including reforms in home affairs and law enforcement agencies. For Russia it is important not to converge to EU’s level of liberal and democratic standards, as Russia does not want to give up its sovereignty and secure its status as a great power.Show less
Using case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in...Show moreUsing case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in their relations with the European Union and Russia. This thesis evidences a noticeable shift in emphasis in the European Union’s primary documents relating to the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership after the Georgia/Russia war in 2008. After this war, the European Union’s ‘common values,’ more widely known as liberal values, become focal. Effectively, this emphasis on common vales has further distanced the European Union and Russia, an authoritarian state which has recently taken a ‘conservative turn.’ This widening distance between the EU and Russia has made existing between the two actors more difficult for the countries trapped in the in-between.Show less
This thesis examines the performance of the Russian agricultural sector between 2005 and 2015. This is done by analysing the outcomes of the predictions made by Professor Grigory Ioffe in 2005.
In this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have...Show moreIn this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have been catechized through pro-Kremlin media, to destabilize an adversary state and allow the intervening state deniability of involvement. The goal of this thesis was to determine if such a deniable intervention could be replicated by Russia in other states and therefore constitutes a regional threat. Four conditions were identified as having an influence on the efficaciousness of a deniable intervention. Consequently an empirical analysis was made to ascertain the extent to which these conditions are present in four cases: Belarus, Estonia, Latvia and Kazakhstan.Show less
Few academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of...Show moreFew academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of Ukraine shows both the strengths and weaknesses of the post-colonial approach. While it is clear that a neo-colonial attitude does exist in Russia, this does not mean it directly influences individual foreign policy decisions. Post-colonialism cannot explain why Ukraine specifically is so important to Russia. Although Russia believes it has a civilising mission in the post-Soviet space in general, post-colonialism cannot explain Moscow’s specific policy response.Show less
This thesis examines the use of the word 'Londongrad' in four British national newspapers and draws extensively upon the approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) outlined by Richardson [2007]....Show moreThis thesis examines the use of the word 'Londongrad' in four British national newspapers and draws extensively upon the approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) outlined by Richardson [2007]. The study compares the use of 'Londongrad' in a sample of articles from two time periods: 2005-8 and 2011-14, defining how it is used and how its use has changed over time, with reference to wider social, political and cultural contexts. Results indicate that 'Londongrad' is particularly prevalent in the right-wing press, and that its use has become more prominent over time. The thesis puts forward the argument that 'Londongrad' lacks concrete definition but carries implicit meaning that allows for the reinforcement of negative stereotypes with regard to Russian activity in the UK. In highlighting this, the intention is to draw attention to the way in which patterns of discourse can encode prejudice.Show less
Recent challenges in the relationship between NATO and Russia have led to suspension of political and military cooperation. This thesis assesses the causal relationship between the gradual...Show moreRecent challenges in the relationship between NATO and Russia have led to suspension of political and military cooperation. This thesis assesses the causal relationship between the gradual deterioration of relations and NATO’s expansionism to Eastern Europe. This research uses process tracing of key events and developments to draw a historical pattern of the transformation in the relationship since the ending of the Cold War up until the Ukraine Crisis of 2014. To analyse the relation, this work uses a hybrid model of neorealist and social constructivist theories to understand power relations and motivations that underlie the developments. Overall, NATO’s eastward-enlargement to include former Soviet republics in its membership and its aspirations of creating a European-wide anti-ballistic missile defence system are identified as the main components that fuelled the deterioration in relations with Russia. Responding from a sense of insecurity, Russia has grown more assertive in regional politics to ensure its national interests. Russia has been able to project power in regional politics in aims of regaining its former power status. Russia’s increasingly confrontational stance has eventually manifested in military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine. The current suspension of relations does not constitute a structural new Cold War, but nevertheless is the product of an overall deterioration of relations.Show less
Within the emerging geopolitical frameworks of the global energy market, the concept of energy security has become a vital part of state strategies for implementation, both by consuming and...Show moreWithin the emerging geopolitical frameworks of the global energy market, the concept of energy security has become a vital part of state strategies for implementation, both by consuming and producing countries. Based on the trade relations between consuming and producing actors, one of the dominant ideologies in the political sciences (neoliberal interdependence theory) argue that economic interdependence between actors leads to co-operation on the bases of mutual benefits which decreases the emergence of conflicts. This thesis intends to shed a light on EU-Russia energy relations, specifically in terms of natural gas linked to energy security of EU as the biggest energy consumer and Russia as the biggest supplier of natural gas to EU. By comparing the energy policy strategies, current energy statistics and emerged interdependence, this thesis argues that the securitization of EU energy (gas) policy is experiencing serious challenges due to (increasing) European dependence on Russian gas resources which have not resulted in further co-operation but rising tensions. The main argument of this thesis therefore is that the nature of EU-Russia gas relations is too complex to be explained by the optimism of mutual interdependence between these actorsShow less
The question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its...Show moreThe question of Russian national identity has become quite significant again after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Especially after Vladimir Putin came to power and the country regained its political and military strength, the Russian state embarked on the (sometimes ambiguous) road of nation-building. Scholars of nationalism and Russian national identity have tried to analyze this ‘Russian Question’, whereby most concluded that there is not a coherent Russian national identity. In this sense, it is useful to look at national identity in some of Russia’s specific regions. This thesis analyzes this process in the case of Russia’s most-western region, Kaliningrad. This so-called exclave has only been part of Russian since the Second World War and due to its German history and geographical distance from homeland Russia, it occupies a special position inside the country. In the process of nation-building by the Russian state, officials cannot solely use ‘common’ Russian markers of identity but also have to take Kaliningrad’s ‘particular’ circumstances into account. This thesis therefore argues that the Russian nation-building process in Kaliningrad lies ‘between commonality and particularity’. It will analyze this two-sidedness through the symbolic, military and anti-Western dimensions of nation-building in Kaliningrad; the speeches and statements of Russian officials in this light are used as the main points of analysis.Show less
The Russian Federation is subject to a high degree of terrorist activity because the instability of the North Caucasus region makes it a breeding ground for terrorism. The main contemporary threat...Show moreThe Russian Federation is subject to a high degree of terrorist activity because the instability of the North Caucasus region makes it a breeding ground for terrorism. The main contemporary threat to the Russian Federation is terrorism linked to the North Caucasus. This thesis is based on Russian counter-terrorism policy in relation to public perceptions of the September 2004 tragedy of Beslan (North Ossetia). In September 2004, a school in Beslan was seized for three days by North Caucasian terrorists which resulted in a massacre with an extremely high number of hostages (1300), fatalities (372) and injuries (747). The Beslan tragedy is considered to be the Russian 9/11 and could, due to its magnitude and impact, theoretically be a turning point in counter-terrorism policy and public perceptions in the Russian Federation. However, the Beslan event has not been a significant turning point in Russian counter-terrorism legislation and laws, despite certain changes and amendments. Furthermore, despite relatively small reforms in the security services, these reforms have been considered to be primarily cosmetic and have not yielded significant results. Also, the perceptions of terrorism and the government’s efforts to combat terrorism among Russian citizens have not improved since Beslan. The rhetoric by the media and government seems to focus primarily on the ostensible success of its counter-terrorism approach. However, despite the qualification of Beslan as the Russian 9/11 and the changes in policy following the event, terrorist activity remains a serious part of daily life within the Russian Federation and any potential improvements in the near future are considered to be unlikely. Keywords: Russia, North Caucasus, Beslan, Terrorism, Counter-terrorismShow less
The year 2014 was the year when a slowly simmering conflict between the West and Russia dramatically escalated. This conflict has been framed as a return to the hostilities of the Cold War; however...Show moreThe year 2014 was the year when a slowly simmering conflict between the West and Russia dramatically escalated. This conflict has been framed as a return to the hostilities of the Cold War; however the conflict has much older roots that pre-date the Soviet regime (1917-1991) by centuries. The relationship between Russia and its European rivals has been one of antagonism and grudging cooperation since the eighteenth century. Yet, it is not Russia’s historical foreign relations that are the focus of this study, but Russia’s current ambitions and the weapon it uses to undermine its Western rivals, namely encouraging the growth of nationalism and the far right in Europe, while Russia pursues an Eurasionist project with former Soviet states. Within the European Union anti-Western nationalism driven by the radical right and Russian influence is most visible in France, Hungary and Greece. This paper will analyse the extent and motivations of this relationship and how this relates to Russia’s Eurasian geopolitics.Show less
This thesis seeks to gain insight in the current state of Russo-Ukrainian gas relations by focusing on how both sides have perceived their mutual gas trade during the 2014 conflict in Eastern...Show moreThis thesis seeks to gain insight in the current state of Russo-Ukrainian gas relations by focusing on how both sides have perceived their mutual gas trade during the 2014 conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Specifically, it looks into the recent changes in Russia’s energy policies towards Ukraine, most notably the increase in gas prices and the termination of discounts, that have led to a gas dispute between the two parties. In order to do so, a discourse analysis is conducted on speeches, interviews and other documents like news updates and transcripts of official visits that were issued by the Russian and Ukrainian governments. The results of this thesis show that different actors can have a significantly different perception of certain events, depending on the ways in which they ascribe meaning to them. It is shown that while the Russian official discourse surrounding the 2014 gas dispute has a strong commercial focus, presenting legal and economic arguments to justify Russia’s actions, the Ukrainian discourse frames it as an issue of politics and national security, perceiving it as part of the broader military conflict between the two states.Show less
