As diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of...Show moreAs diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of war. In 2013, president Vladimir Putin declared the Russian Federation “a defender of traditional conservative values against what it considers an assault of genderless and fruitless so-called tolerance” (Ragozin 2013). Russia is thus making an effort to lead by example in disapproving of non-traditional sexual orientations, and offering an alternative to Western liberalism. One of the most visible components of this 'traditional values' alternative, is a collection of implicit anti-LGBT laws imposed in Russia since 2013, which some scholars have labelled as a form of non-Western soft power. This thesis builds on that literature and assesses to what extent Russia has been successful in using its anti-LGBT Traditional Values discourse and policies as a foreign policy tool.Show less
This thesis provides an overview of the three main economic pathways that Russian mono industrial cities have followed after the collapse of the Soviet Union, namely economic diversification,...Show moreThis thesis provides an overview of the three main economic pathways that Russian mono industrial cities have followed after the collapse of the Soviet Union, namely economic diversification, economic replacement and maintaining the core industry. This was done by choosing three relevant cities as case studies for each pathway, in order to determine under which circumstances each economic policy would work the best.Show less
Russian actions in the Russo-Ukrainian War have been widely interpreted as a holistically coordinated, integrative approach to war – dubbed hybrid warfare. Hybrid warfare has, in recent decades,...Show moreRussian actions in the Russo-Ukrainian War have been widely interpreted as a holistically coordinated, integrative approach to war – dubbed hybrid warfare. Hybrid warfare has, in recent decades, been accepted as a strategic concept into the doctrinal documents of key Western military actors, including NATO and the EU. This paper argues that analysts misinterpret Russia’s operational, context-dependent opportunism in Ukraine as a holistic strategic method. So, in order to examine the extent to which Russian actions in Ukraine are actually strategic and whether the contemporary hybrid warfare concept improves or stifles that understanding, this paper examines the following: to what extent is Russian so-called hybrid warfare in Ukraine strategic? Three key events in the Russo-Ukrainian War are analysed using classical theory on strategy as a guiding framework, making use of a thematic case study analysis. It is shown that Russian actions in Ukraine are classically strategic to a highly limited extent because (1) battle is not always central and (2) Russian political coordination is either absent or opportunistic. Russian actions in Ukraine thus do not indicate a holistically integrated strategic method – which Western observers have eagerly dubbed hybrid warfare. Rather, the reality shows a method of operational opportunism enabled by a permissive political and battlespace-context. Hybrid warfare therefore does not merit adoption as a strategic concept, because it is not strategic. Using hybrid warfare as a strategic concept thus dilutes what we perceive to be strategic – and what we perceive to be warfare – proving the importance of testing new concepts against classical wisdom.Show less
The thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian...Show moreThe thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian Economic Union.Show less
Secondary history education is only one of the many ways for a state apparatus to influence and be involved in constructing historical narratives and public memory. Yet, the state-sponsored history...Show moreSecondary history education is only one of the many ways for a state apparatus to influence and be involved in constructing historical narratives and public memory. Yet, the state-sponsored history aspect of compulsory secondary education plays a highly important role considering its target audience - a country's youth - and because of the clear articulation, widespread distribution and compelling moral framework of state-sponsored textbooks. In this thesis, the recent standardisation and nationalisation policy in Russia serves as a clear example of the increase of state control on history education. Adding to the existing state-sponsored history research on Russian secondary textbooks, this thesis approaches state-sponsored history from a historical perspective by examining the historical background of Russian state-sponsored history, while diving into an in-depth case study of one historical event: the revolutionary period of Russia in 1905, also referred to as the Russian Revolution of 1905. The re-evaluation of this short period of time could be summarised by three successive dominant perspectives in Russian state-sponsored history: two ideological perspectives (traditional socialism and Russian patriotism served by Great Russian nationalism) and one perspective characterised by pluralist revisionism that represents the re-evaluation of Russian history education during the 1990s. In regard to the standardisation period since the early 2000s, the state document called Kontseptsiya appeared to function as the cornerstone of the current educational policy, which is focused on instilling patriotism and re-affirming the status of Great Russia, while legitimising authoritarian values is promoted by certain historical interpretations of particularly tsar Nicholas II and Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin. As a final point, the Kontseptsiya included the political motivation to apply a new approach to the history of Russian culture as a continuous process of acquiring a national identity that is formed by its political and socio-economic development, which affirmed the role of state-sponsored history in the Russian state policy of social engineering or cultural reproduction to find a post-communist national identity that could measure up to the great power status of the former Russian Empire and Soviet Union. The conclusion of this historical case study of Russia in the theoretical framework of state-sponsored history leads to the awareness of state control on compulsory history education and raises the question of the desirability of international agreement on a universal basic understanding of history in secondary education.Show less
This thesis examines to what extent the securitisation model applies to the attempted OPCW hack, the Bundestag hack, and the SolarWinds operation concerning policy implementations. The...Show moreThis thesis examines to what extent the securitisation model applies to the attempted OPCW hack, the Bundestag hack, and the SolarWinds operation concerning policy implementations. The securitisation model analyses the securitising actor’s response to the threat. Further, it analyses whether the securitisation act enabled the securitising actor to implement drastic measures. This thesis uses the case study method and selected the cases with a shared perpetrator and objective. For the findings, this thesis concluded the following for the three cases. The Dutch government completed the securitisation act for the attempted OPCW hack but did not implement drastic policies. For the Bundestag hack, the Federal Government did not complete the securitisation act but did implement drastic measures. The United States completed the securitisation act and implemented drastic policies. Thus, the extent to which the securitisation model explains the response of the victim state differs in each case.Show less
The already tense relationship between the EU and Russia has resulted in a geopolitical power race in cyberspace. Also, the development of the EU cyber diplomacy toolbox in 2017 already resulted in...Show moreThe already tense relationship between the EU and Russia has resulted in a geopolitical power race in cyberspace. Also, the development of the EU cyber diplomacy toolbox in 2017 already resulted in economic and diplomatic sanctions being imposed on Russia, further intensifying the relationship between two central powers in cyberspace and hinting at the use of a deterrence strategy by the EU. To further gain knowledge about the impact of the EU cyber diplomacy toolbox on Russia, this research aims to identify how the toolbox intents to functions against Russia. By doing so, the key characteristics of the deterrence strategy will function as the theoretical framework in this research, resulting into an overview of the key characteristics of the deterrence strategy. Furthermore, the purposes of the installation of the toolbox will be analysed. Likewise, with the use of case studies, the actual effects of the toolbox on Russia will be outlined to portray that the EU cyber diplomacy does intent to function as a method of a deterrence strategy against Russia.Show less
The term hybrid warfare has often been associated with Russian operations in Ukraine, yet academia is in disagreement on the relevance and viability of this term. This thesis puts Russian hybrid...Show moreThe term hybrid warfare has often been associated with Russian operations in Ukraine, yet academia is in disagreement on the relevance and viability of this term. This thesis puts Russian hybrid methods and ‘hybrid warfare’ into a new perspective by determining the extent of which Russian hybrid operations have aided Russia in achieving its aims in the Ukraine conflict in a strategic manner. In order to do so, a strategic value assessment model was developed and applied to Russian hybrid operations in the context of the annexation of Crimea and the subsequent conflict in Eastern Ukraine. This thesis has found that, despite seeing relative success in Crimea, Russian hybrid operations cannot be considered as highly strategic. This is mostly due to the heavy reliance on the use of Russian proxy forces in the form of separatist groups, which have proven to be difficult to control in the long term and have acted out of line with Russian national policy on some occasions.Show less
The Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has...Show moreThe Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has received much attention and is occasionally described as the region’s “wild card”, based on international wariness about an increasingly assertive Russian leadership. In the last decade, Moscow has significantly expanded its military capabilities in the region and has adopted a more securitised stance on economic development of its Arctic territories, yet at the same time, it has consistently been an active presence in Arctic regional cooperation. This thesis explores the seeming bipolarity in Russia’s behaviour by paying special attention to the link between ideational and material motivations. Premised on the idea that the formation of national interests of a state is closely connected with the formation of its national identity, it identifies Russia’s pursuit of great power status in the Arctic as a key driver of Russian Arctic policy. Borrowing from critical geopolitics, which suggests that territory and geography are subject of active formulation and reformulation by governments, this thesis analyses policy documents to illustrate how the Kremlin conceptualises three different understandings of the Arctic region (the Arctic as a zone of peace and cooperation; the Arctic as essential for ensuring national security; and the Arctic as a base for Russia’s economic revival) as guided by different interests.Show less
This thesis consists of a comparative analysis of the media coverage on the Crimean crisis between 27 February and 25 March by the Russian news agencies Interfax and Tass. The thesis argues that...Show moreThis thesis consists of a comparative analysis of the media coverage on the Crimean crisis between 27 February and 25 March by the Russian news agencies Interfax and Tass. The thesis argues that the respective news coverage of this event does not differ in significant ways, despite Tass being stateowned and Interfax being a private cooperation.Show less
Both scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because...Show moreBoth scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because of its importance as “the spiritual source” of the Russian nation, others state that Russia’s historical claim to the peninsula was the reason for the annexation (Russia possessed it until 1954 when the Soviet leadership transferred it to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic). Another group claims it was a purely strategic decision since it allowed Russia to increase its military capabilities by taking over most of the Ukrainian Black See Fleet and that this was just the start of president Putin’s great power restoration campaign . Most of the explanations are rooted in either the realist theory that revolves around power maximisation and self-interest or the constructivist theory that focusses on norms and identities. This thesis will build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis determined if the four intervening variables neoclassical realism type III identified (e.g. leader images, strategic culture, state-society relations and domestic political institutions) affected the manner in which Russia responded to certain external stimuli (geography, military technology, distribution of power, polarity of the international system, clarity of the international system and the nature of state’s strategic environment) that lead to the annexation of Crimea. This thesis found that a state's strategic environment contributed most significantly to the decision to annex Crimea, because without the political turmoil going on within Ukraine it would have been unlikely that Russia would have succeeded. The research also found that the intervening variables of leader image and strategic culture played a part in the decision making process. Even though the strategic culture helped to gain acceptance among society, it was the leader image that was most influential in shaping the ultimate decision. In the case of Russia and Crimea, it is very clear that president Putin was the actor that made the annexation a reality.Show less
While Russia usually uses soft power to gain influence in the post-Soviet space, it decided to extend its influence in Crimea through an annexation, a strategy that Russia has not used (as of yet)...Show moreWhile Russia usually uses soft power to gain influence in the post-Soviet space, it decided to extend its influence in Crimea through an annexation, a strategy that Russia has not used (as of yet) in other post-Soviet areas. This thesis seeks to explain what factors explain Russia’s decision to annex Crimea next to continuing its soft power strategy. This research uses a constructivist approach and argues that culturally and historically constructed relations shape Russia’s foreign policy, and therefore, Russia’s foreign policy varies within the post-Soviet space. This research uses explaining-outcome process-tracing and a most-similar case study comparison to uncover why Russia decided to annex Crimea. The evidence suggests that while the Russian World is an essential aspect of Russia’s soft power strategy, Russia did not annex Crimea because it seeks to unite all compatriots in the Russian World. Instead, the evidence suggests that Russia annexed Crimea because of Crimea’s historical significance to Russia and because Russia seeks to regain its former great power status in the post-Soviet space.Show less
The downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a...Show moreThe downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a significant change in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia became possible as institutional constraints were suddenly loosened. By using process tracing this thesis studies the changes in Dutch foreign policy and the causal mechanism behind them following the downing of the airplane. The Dutch government initially took on a cautious position as it was hoping Russia could be convinced to cooperate with the investigation. However as the Kremlin continually spreads disinformation about Flight MH17 and consistently seeks to discredit and undermine the investigations, the Dutch government started to use more confrontational and less accommodating diplomatic tools. This is evidenced by the way in which the Dutch government exposed the foiled OPCW hacking attempt by the GRU as well as how it criticised Russia’s behaviour surrounding the downing of Flight MH17.Show less
Vladimir Putin has become one of the most significant Russian leaders. He has been at the head of the largest country in the world for nearly twenty years and has brought autocracy, according to...Show moreVladimir Putin has become one of the most significant Russian leaders. He has been at the head of the largest country in the world for nearly twenty years and has brought autocracy, according to his critics, and stability, according to his supporters. This research will remain focused on Putinism as an influential mechanism on other heads of state, informing the research question: To what extent has Putinism influenced the policies of Viktor Yanukovych and Ramzan Kadyrov from the year 2000? This topic is relevant as Putin’s charisma does play a severely important role in modern geopolitics, which has affected not only political opinions, but also wars and revolutions such as the Euromaidan Revolution, the annexation of Crimea and the war with Chechnya. Putinism is therefore presented as the theoretical framework of this research. For the purpose of this thesis, a comparative case analysis is put in practice, using the cases of Ukraine and Chechnya in order to answer the research question. Lastly, the conclusion will sum up the findings proving that both Yanukovych and Kadyrov were heavily influenced by Putinism.Show less
