The downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a...Show moreThe downing of Flight MH17 in July 2014 constitutes a major crisis and a critical juncture in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia. This critical juncture created the conditions under which a significant change in Dutch foreign policy towards Russia became possible as institutional constraints were suddenly loosened. By using process tracing this thesis studies the changes in Dutch foreign policy and the causal mechanism behind them following the downing of the airplane. The Dutch government initially took on a cautious position as it was hoping Russia could be convinced to cooperate with the investigation. However as the Kremlin continually spreads disinformation about Flight MH17 and consistently seeks to discredit and undermine the investigations, the Dutch government started to use more confrontational and less accommodating diplomatic tools. This is evidenced by the way in which the Dutch government exposed the foiled OPCW hacking attempt by the GRU as well as how it criticised Russia’s behaviour surrounding the downing of Flight MH17.Show less
The heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims...Show moreThe heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of Russian foreign policy within the OSCE as well as Russia’s stance towards Euro-Atlantic security issues. It addresses the question how Russia discursively constructs its national identity within the OSCE in the period 2008-2018 and whether these discourses reveal any changes and/or contradictions. This thesis fills an important research gap, because no previous research has been done on Russia’s national identity within the OSCE. A comprehensive understanding of a state’s national identity in its foreign policy is relevant, as it provides insights into the ideological factors that drive how a state defines and pursues its national interests and subsequently foreign policy. A poststructuralist discourse analysis is conducted of the Russian statements delivered at the yearly OSCE Ministerial Council Meetings in the period 2008-2018. The discourse analysis provided insights into how Russia perceives and would like to promote itself within the OSCE. It demonstrated that Russia presents itself within the OSCE as a redeemer of OSCE unilateral actions and an advocate of multilateralism, as a leading, responsible and moral actor that wants to be perceived and treated as a great power, and lastly as a guardian of traditional values and the Russian Orthodox Church.Show less
On April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that...Show moreOn April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that started in 2011 slowly unfolded into a larger regional and international conflict. The complexity of alliances in the Syrian conflict might be a reason of the long-lasting hostilities that still continue today. This thesis investigated the role of two main actors in the Syrian conflict: the United States and Russia. This study aimed to answer the following research question: how are the US-Russian relations in the UNSC on the Syrian conflict from March 2011-June 2018? In a heightened atmosphere in international relations, it is important to find out if more room for cooperation between the two countries exists within the UNSC framework. A document analysis of the UNSC meeting records, presidential statements and (draft) resolutions from 2011-2018 has been conducted. The contribution of this study lies in the systematic analysis of the UNSC minutes on the Syrian conflict which enables the author to draw conclusions over the entirety of the war. By looking at three main categories – the use of chemical weapons, humanitarian assistance, and the political peace process – this thesis found out that the US and Russia seem to agree on a broader level, but that filling in the details proves to be problematic.Show less
The success of the Russian anti-corruption blogger Alexei Navalny in bringing to light the corruption of high-level government officials has reinvigorated the debate about the effectiveness of...Show moreThe success of the Russian anti-corruption blogger Alexei Navalny in bringing to light the corruption of high-level government officials has reinvigorated the debate about the effectiveness of social media, and in particular blogging, to stimulate socio-political activism. This thesis looks beyond Russia’s most famous blogger to see who else is using the capabilities of (video)blogging to highlight and support the fight against corruption in the country. In particular, it analyzes blogposts by Ilya Varlamov and Erik Davidych and measures their direct effects in terms of the fight against corruption. By doing so, this research contributes to the debate of the usefulness of social media in the stimulation of socio-political activism, and reveals the possible short-term effects that blogging can have as a tool to battle corruption. The thesis concludes that despite media repression and the large scale of corruption in Russia, the short-term effects of anti-corruption blogging can be positive, while the long-term consequences are unclear.Show less
This thesis compares the EU’s discourse on its energy relations with Russia prior to the Ukraine crisis and after it. The discourse analysis is embedded in a Constructivist framework and focuses on...Show moreThis thesis compares the EU’s discourse on its energy relations with Russia prior to the Ukraine crisis and after it. The discourse analysis is embedded in a Constructivist framework and focuses on the question whether continuities and discontinuities in the discourse indicate a successful or deficient construction of EU-Russian energy relations by the EU. This analysis shows that even though there are discontinuities between the two periods, these do not indicate a major failure in developing a suitable energy strategy. This evaluation is based on the result that the discontinuities found only represent shifts in the emphases on different elements of the discourse. The early discourse therefore already included most of the strategic elements that became necessary to deal properly with Russia and to ensure the EU’s energy security once the Crisis broke out.Show less
After centuries of fierce resistance against Russian authority, Chechens have somehow stopped opposing the regime. Taking into account Chechnya’s past turbulent struggle for independence, the...Show moreAfter centuries of fierce resistance against Russian authority, Chechens have somehow stopped opposing the regime. Taking into account Chechnya’s past turbulent struggle for independence, the research question for this thesis is: Why have Chechens minimized their attempts to secede from Russia? The analysis uses a model of Sorens, based on the rational decision making of individuals, in order to uncover the current disincentives to secede for Chechen individuals. The analysis asserts that individuals need to be convinced of the benefits of independence, and need to believe that Chechnya could be a viable state on its own. The conclusion of this thesis is that there are a wide variety of considerations that have contributed to the demise of secessionism in Chechnya. The most important considerations are: firstly, that the economic and political costs of independence have come to outweigh the benefits; and secondly, that the costs of collective action have become too high due to the significant level of repression in Chechnya. This thesis aims to contribute to the existing academic literature on secessionism in general by showing that the concept is not as clear-cut as is often assumed, and that there are a wide variety of components that need to be taken into account.Show less
The European Union has identified a lack of energy supply security. In terms of importing natural gas, the EU is highly dependent on Russia, an energy partner deemed as unreliable by the EU due to...Show moreThe European Union has identified a lack of energy supply security. In terms of importing natural gas, the EU is highly dependent on Russia, an energy partner deemed as unreliable by the EU due to multiple reasons. Therefore, the EU has stated the objective of improving its energy security, most notably through diversification of energy supply. As a solution, the EU is looking at Turkey as an energy transit partner to reduce dependency on Russia. But is Turkey a viable solution to the EU’s objective of gaining energy security through diversification of energy supply? The literature has yet to pay sufficient attention to the basis political principles which have to be met by the EU’s new energy partner. This thesis uses securitization theory and a discourse analysis focused on ‘frames’ to demonstrate that the EU acknowledges its threat related to energy security and pushes Turkey forward as their new energy partner. Consequently, this research fills the gap in the literature by predominantly focusing on political arguments related to Turkey’s (un)stability and (un)reliability to conclude that by hailing Turkey as their new energy partner, the EU risks falling into the trap of not learning lessons from the past: Turkey’s reliability might be(come) just as problematic as Russia’s.Show less
Using case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in...Show moreUsing case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in their relations with the European Union and Russia. This thesis evidences a noticeable shift in emphasis in the European Union’s primary documents relating to the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership after the Georgia/Russia war in 2008. After this war, the European Union’s ‘common values,’ more widely known as liberal values, become focal. Effectively, this emphasis on common vales has further distanced the European Union and Russia, an authoritarian state which has recently taken a ‘conservative turn.’ This widening distance between the EU and Russia has made existing between the two actors more difficult for the countries trapped in the in-between.Show less
