In February 2009, the first Obama administration offered its Russian counterpart a "reset button" to renew U.S.-Russian relations. As we now know, however, this initiative failed to structurally...Show moreIn February 2009, the first Obama administration offered its Russian counterpart a "reset button" to renew U.S.-Russian relations. As we now know, however, this initiative failed to structurally alleviate the lingering strains of Cold War antagonism. This thesis will discuss the role of Congress concerning this matter. This is interesting, firstly, because part of the reset's failure can be explained by Congressional counteracts. Secondly, careful analysis of Congressional hearings will show that there is a much less rigid bipartisan dichotomy concerning U.S.-Russian policy than is often taken for granted. All in all, the reader is granted considerable insight into one of the most complex and most urgent bilateral relations of today.Show less
This thesis examines Japan-Russia relations through a critical discourse analysis of speeches and statements by Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and articles and editorials in the Japanese monthly...Show moreThis thesis examines Japan-Russia relations through a critical discourse analysis of speeches and statements by Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and articles and editorials in the Japanese monthly general-interest magazine Chūō Kōron published in the period of January 2014 to December 2015.Show less
Examining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for...Show moreExamining human rights organisations in the period between 2006-2016 and in three key spheres: legislation, civic culture and funding. It concludes that it is becoming increasingly difficult for independent human rights organisations to work in Russia and that this is unlikely to improve in the future unless significant legislative changes are made.Show less
Wat was de wisselwerking tussen de repressieve houding van de Russische staat en de naar vrijheid strevende niet-geregistreerde baptistengemeenten onder de jaren van het communisme?
The European Union has identified a lack of energy supply security. In terms of importing natural gas, the EU is highly dependent on Russia, an energy partner deemed as unreliable by the EU due to...Show moreThe European Union has identified a lack of energy supply security. In terms of importing natural gas, the EU is highly dependent on Russia, an energy partner deemed as unreliable by the EU due to multiple reasons. Therefore, the EU has stated the objective of improving its energy security, most notably through diversification of energy supply. As a solution, the EU is looking at Turkey as an energy transit partner to reduce dependency on Russia. But is Turkey a viable solution to the EU’s objective of gaining energy security through diversification of energy supply? The literature has yet to pay sufficient attention to the basis political principles which have to be met by the EU’s new energy partner. This thesis uses securitization theory and a discourse analysis focused on ‘frames’ to demonstrate that the EU acknowledges its threat related to energy security and pushes Turkey forward as their new energy partner. Consequently, this research fills the gap in the literature by predominantly focusing on political arguments related to Turkey’s (un)stability and (un)reliability to conclude that by hailing Turkey as their new energy partner, the EU risks falling into the trap of not learning lessons from the past: Turkey’s reliability might be(come) just as problematic as Russia’s.Show less
At the EU-Russia St. Petersburg Summit in 2003 both parties agreed to start negotiations on agreements to simplify the procedure for issuing short-stay visas between the EU and Russia with visa...Show moreAt the EU-Russia St. Petersburg Summit in 2003 both parties agreed to start negotiations on agreements to simplify the procedure for issuing short-stay visas between the EU and Russia with visa-free travel as the ultimate goal. In December 2013, Russia declared all requirements and conditions outlined in the Common Steps to be fulfilled and that it is ready to move to the next phase, which is the preparing of a draft Visa Waiver Agreement. The EU, on the other hand, doesn’t consider all conditions to be fulfilled and insists on fulfilling all technical requirements before moving to the next phase. Therefore the main question that was posed: are the respective benefits and constraints of the EU and Russia related to visa liberalization mutually exclusive? From this research it became evident that Russia is only willing to fulfil technical requirements set out in the Common Steps document. Russia is less eager to carry out organizational reforms, including reforms in home affairs and law enforcement agencies. For Russia it is important not to converge to EU’s level of liberal and democratic standards, as Russia does not want to give up its sovereignty and secure its status as a great power.Show less
Using case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in...Show moreUsing case studies on Armenia and Moldova, this thesis contributes to the already rich body of literature that situates the position of the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus in their relations with the European Union and Russia. This thesis evidences a noticeable shift in emphasis in the European Union’s primary documents relating to the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership after the Georgia/Russia war in 2008. After this war, the European Union’s ‘common values,’ more widely known as liberal values, become focal. Effectively, this emphasis on common vales has further distanced the European Union and Russia, an authoritarian state which has recently taken a ‘conservative turn.’ This widening distance between the EU and Russia has made existing between the two actors more difficult for the countries trapped in the in-between.Show less
Throughout the past decade, two types of scandalous cases in Russia have been frequented in both the domestic and international media. These are cases of activism, and oligarch or elite corruption....Show moreThroughout the past decade, two types of scandalous cases in Russia have been frequented in both the domestic and international media. These are cases of activism, and oligarch or elite corruption. More specifically, the activism case of members of Pussy Riot was covered by news agencies worldwide, and their court cases were followed closely on a global scale. Contrastingly, the media handles cases involving individuals with a high ranking of authority or close affiliation with the governmental elites differently. This is especially evident in the case of Mikhail Khodorkovsky. The research question of How does the Russian media portray individuals and groups involved in scandalous cases of activism and oligarch corruption? Aims to discuss the similarities and differences to how these cases were handled by the Russian media.Show less
How do Ukranian and Russian people refer to the separatists? Turns out that Ukraine is using more propaganda then the separatists or Russia. This thesis is meant to open the way to several new...Show moreHow do Ukranian and Russian people refer to the separatists? Turns out that Ukraine is using more propaganda then the separatists or Russia. This thesis is meant to open the way to several new researches on the languagepolicy of Ukraine.Show less
This thesis examines the performance of the Russian agricultural sector between 2005 and 2015. This is done by analysing the outcomes of the predictions made by Professor Grigory Ioffe in 2005.
The nineties in Russia were a hectic period full of change. Gorbachev came to power and implemented new policies such as Glasnost and Perestroika. These policies had an enormous effect on the...Show moreThe nineties in Russia were a hectic period full of change. Gorbachev came to power and implemented new policies such as Glasnost and Perestroika. These policies had an enormous effect on the Russian economy and among other things food shortages appeared. When Gorbachev came to power, people believed in him and the promise of a better future he brought. However when the reforms turned out to have negative economical consequences, people were left disappointed. This national feeling of disappointment was later used by the state to legitimize the change in political course of the new president Putin. This demonizing of the nineties sparked a form of countermemory called ‘Flashmobs’. ‘Flashmobs’ are personal pictures of the nineties posted on social media accounts. This thesis will look at Flashmobs as an expression of reflective nostalgia for the nineties. As a form of democratic protest of people who are saying that the nineties were not all bad, and thereby creating a countermemory against the demonization of the nineties.Show less
In this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have...Show moreIn this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have been catechized through pro-Kremlin media, to destabilize an adversary state and allow the intervening state deniability of involvement. The goal of this thesis was to determine if such a deniable intervention could be replicated by Russia in other states and therefore constitutes a regional threat. Four conditions were identified as having an influence on the efficaciousness of a deniable intervention. Consequently an empirical analysis was made to ascertain the extent to which these conditions are present in four cases: Belarus, Estonia, Latvia and Kazakhstan.Show less
This thesis argues that Orthodoxy is being placed as a primus inter pares in Russia's hierarchy of traditional faiths. This is done by analyzing Russia's political, educational and religious...Show moreThis thesis argues that Orthodoxy is being placed as a primus inter pares in Russia's hierarchy of traditional faiths. This is done by analyzing Russia's political, educational and religious dynamics. This objective is pursued by delving into the relationship between President Putin and Patriarch Kirill of Moscow. This is done in order to provide an understanding of how the current relationship between the Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church and the President of the Russian Federation is contributing to the perpetuation of a discourse, placing Orthodoxy as a key marker of Russian identity, undermining the country’s secularism. Education is moreover brought into consideration, exploring the way in which Russia’s hierarchy of faiths is made tangible in the country’s state-run schools.Show less
Few academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of...Show moreFew academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of Ukraine shows both the strengths and weaknesses of the post-colonial approach. While it is clear that a neo-colonial attitude does exist in Russia, this does not mean it directly influences individual foreign policy decisions. Post-colonialism cannot explain why Ukraine specifically is so important to Russia. Although Russia believes it has a civilising mission in the post-Soviet space in general, post-colonialism cannot explain Moscow’s specific policy response.Show less
The paper discusses the influence of the current Russian assessment of the Soviet-led invasion in Czechoslovakia in 1968 on the Czech-Russian relations.
