This thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away...Show moreThis thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away from the EU by using language. The research is conducted through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of 25 speeches and statements by David Cameron and Theresa May. The timeframe begins when Cameron promised a referendum on EU membership in January 2013, and ends in October 2017, more than a year after the yes-vote. The analysis reveals that British discourse on common security threats was not gradually de-Europeanized, but internationalised by May by constructing the UK as ‘Global Britain’. Language on migrants from the EU to the UK was already de-Europeanized before the Brexit referendum, and did not change significantly after the referendum. In fact, it gradually normalised after Cameron’s General Election victory in 2015. This study also reveals that both prime ministers could ‘cherry pick’ identities, meaning that they could choose between constructing a national, European, or even global identity to their liking per policy area.Show less
The Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is...Show moreThe Responsibility to Protect principle introduced both the state’s and the international community’s responsibility to protect human rights. The principle is regarded as an emergent norm that is yet to be successfully diffused and classified as a global norm. This thesis assesses the principle’s normative trajectory through the use of Finnemore and Sikkink’s ‘norm life cycle theory’ (1998). This work works toward a better understanding of Russia’s approach towards the emergent norm of human rights by default. By assessing Russia’s approach towards intervention, this study reviews the claim that Russia seeks to undermine the norms that underpin R2P. This has been conducted via a qualitative case study that reviews the following cases: Georgia, Crimea, Libya and Syria. The findings demonstrate that although Russia is actively engaged with the principle’s norm development process, it did also attempt to interpret the norm according to its own preferences. However, only once was the norm was truly undermined - in the case of Crimea.Show less
In April 2014 an armed conflict broke out between pro-Russian separatists and the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the Donetsk and Luhansk (Donbas) regions in Eastern Ukraine. The extent to which the...Show moreIn April 2014 an armed conflict broke out between pro-Russian separatists and the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the Donetsk and Luhansk (Donbas) regions in Eastern Ukraine. The extent to which the Russian government supports the separatists of the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics remains a topic of scholarly debate. Numerous academics have come up with interpretations on Russian foreign policy towards Ukraine but these fail to explain the behaviour of the Russian government in Donbas. This thesis will assess what the foreign policy objectives of the Russian government are in Donbas and how these have changed since April 2014. During the first phase of the conflict, the Russian government attempted to introduce the neo-imperial myth of Novorossiya in order to justify separatism throughout South-Eastern Ukraine. This project failed as the separatist drive did not spread to the regions of Kharkiv and Odesa. Thereafter the Russian government started to focus on keeping the conflict ongoing by militarily intervening to prevent the Ukrainian Army from defeating the separatists but not letting the separatists win the armed conflict either. The Russian government governs the separatists republics without participation of Ukrainian separatists, provides them with necessary financing but at the same time drains the region of its economic resources. The main goal of the Russian government in Donbas is to destabilise Ukraine and keep the armed conflict ongoing by sustaining two highly disruptive separatist republics.Show less
This thesis focused on Russia's regional policies towards the traditional societies of Chechnya and Ingushetia during the period of 1991 till 2017. The thesis distinguishes Russia's different...Show moreThis thesis focused on Russia's regional policies towards the traditional societies of Chechnya and Ingushetia during the period of 1991 till 2017. The thesis distinguishes Russia's different approaches towards Chechnya and Ingushetia. These different approaches are inherent to the first three presidents of the Russian Federation. As the thesis will further explain, the obstacle with the implementation of Russia's policies in these regions, is the traditional character of the regions.Show less
After the end of the third democratization wave further democratization has stopped in many countries and even turned around into autocratic governing in several countries. This process is...Show moreAfter the end of the third democratization wave further democratization has stopped in many countries and even turned around into autocratic governing in several countries. This process is characterized by governments limiting the citizens ability to hold their governments accountable. The regimes mainly achieve this through gaining excessive control over the economy and the media, rigging the election system in their favor and dismantling the seperation of powers. The thesis investigates and compares these processes in the case of contemporary Russia and Hungary.Show less
The internal politics of an unrecognised state like Transnistria may seem like a forgone conclusion, as per the common reputation of such states being static, authoritarian "puppets" of Russia....Show moreThe internal politics of an unrecognised state like Transnistria may seem like a forgone conclusion, as per the common reputation of such states being static, authoritarian "puppets" of Russia. However, closer inspection of recent election results reveals a dynamic and unpredictable succession of regime changes that challenges not only our understanding of de facto state politics, but that of the workings and elite struggles of post-Communist "hybrid regimes" in general. Building on existing theory on regime change and democracy in the post-Soviet sphere and in unrecognised states in particular, the author then uses primary resources gained from numerous field interviews in Transnistria and Moldova to evaluate exactly where power lies in the de facto state, how it has shifted over the past election cycles, and what role is played by the mysterious patron, the "dark knight", Russia.Show less
This thesis explores how the discourse around immigration in Russia is shaped by the government, and by society segmented in actors disapproving or favorable of immigration. From the selected...Show moreThis thesis explores how the discourse around immigration in Russia is shaped by the government, and by society segmented in actors disapproving or favorable of immigration. From the selected primary sources, four main themes of discussion and four subsequent main techniques of persuasion used in argumentation around the themes are identified and scrutinized through critical discourse analysis. The main themes are economy, security, lifestyle and demography; the main techniques are play on emotion, anecdotal approach, comparison and statistical manipulation. The main findings of this paper constitute the following. The government pursues a dual policy to maximize the number of its adherents, and in its rhetoric most noticeably uses comparison for the purpose of justifying its policies. Anti-immigrant groups exploit all techniques extensively and mostly build their numerous arguments around economic, security and lifestyle concerns. Immigrant advocacy groups refrain from thorough discussion of security issues, present a limited amount of economic arguments, and focus instead on lifestyle and demography. They use all techniques as well but mainly play on emotion and narrate individual stories, displaying the immigrants’ perspective and encouraging leniency.Show less
This paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an...Show moreThis paper aims to examine EU’s power as an influencer against revisionist actors in its immediate proximity, especially through conditionality and socialization and their possible side effects, an idea which has not been examined adequately in academia thus far. Initially the concept of power in IR will be introduced with a special mention to its European form. Afterwards, the EU’s relationship with two revisionist regional actors (Turkey and Russia) is explored. The first case, examines the EU’s handling of Turkey during the displacement crisis and the latter’s shift towards authoritarianism. It will be shown that despite the fact that the EU has managed to dramatically decrease the influx of people in its territory, it has paid a steep political cost domestically and internationally. The second case shows how Russian preferential treatment to certain member-states impeded a unified approach from the EU. Only after the events in Ukraine a unilateral approach was agreed. Both cases show that the European understanding and usage of power is limited and prohibits the development of an ambitious policy mainly due to the current level of European integration and member-states will. Such results are important as they not only show current limitations of the EU’s policy-making, but also highlight some of the areas that require amelioration in order to enhance the EU’s capabilities in todays’ challenges.Show less
Lithuania gained more energy independence from Russia after building the Floating Storage Regasification Unit Independence (FSRU Independence) in Klaipėda in 2014. Diversification meant that...Show moreLithuania gained more energy independence from Russia after building the Floating Storage Regasification Unit Independence (FSRU Independence) in Klaipėda in 2014. Diversification meant that Lithuania being solely reliant on Russian energy changed and therefore, possibly Russia’s foreign energy policy towards Lithuania as well. This could indicate that Russia might not have used its well-known energy weapon in Lithuania’s domestic energy politics after 2014. This study therefore has as research question: What elements of Russia’s foreign energy policy has Russia used with regard to Lithuania’s domestic energy politics since 2014? The research argues that Russia has not effectively or not at all resorted to using elements of its foreign energy policy with regard to Lithuania’s domestic energy politics after 2014. Russia rather has attempted to reduce Lithuania’s larger leverage over Russia than Russia had on Lithuania in the last few years. Clearly, the identified elements of Russia’s foreign energy policy were not applicable after Lithuania’s diversification of energy and therefore, Russia should probably resort to new foreign policy tools in the future in case if it is willing to influence Lithuania’s domestic energy politics again.Show less
In this thesis the IR-theories constructivism, liberalism and realism will be used in order to shed light on the security and defence policy of the European Union. Three recent developments affect...Show moreIn this thesis the IR-theories constructivism, liberalism and realism will be used in order to shed light on the security and defence policy of the European Union. Three recent developments affect the course of the integration process of this policy area. The first facet is the institutional change Brexit will bring about. The second facet is the cultural difference between the foreign policies of the United States and the European Union, which is enhanced by the election of Donald Trump as president of the US. The last facet is the geopolitical security dilemma that is imposed on the EU by Russia. In this research the impact of these three developments on the integration process of the EU’s security and defence policy will be analysed.Show less
Research clearly shows the negative attitude that Russian citizens have towards Protestantism. An interesting question that raises here, is: how would the members of Russian Protestant churches...Show moreResearch clearly shows the negative attitude that Russian citizens have towards Protestantism. An interesting question that raises here, is: how would the members of Russian Protestant churches experience this attitude towards them? To what extent do they feel tolerated by their society, as members of a non-traditional religion? The aim of this thesis is to research this, with the main research question being the following: “How do members of a non-traditional religious community in Russia experience religious tolerance in their country?”Show less
The Republic of Buryatia in the Russian Federation is resident to the Buryats, an ethnic minority. A large part of the population practice Buddhism. The thesis investigates how religion and...Show moreThe Republic of Buryatia in the Russian Federation is resident to the Buryats, an ethnic minority. A large part of the population practice Buddhism. The thesis investigates how religion and language can explain the construction of Buryat cultural identity. Most scholarly research emphasise on the importance of religion for the construction of Buryat cultural identity. However, their arguments are not fully explaining why this is the case. Therefore, Stuart Hall’s theory of cultural identity is applied to the case of Buryatia. The theory contains two models: one expresses that cultural identity is ‘fixed’ and the other claims that it is a ‘process’. These two models are applied using Buryat historical contexts. The thesis concludes that both language and religion are important to the construction of Buryat identity. Language is important because it functions as a system of representation, for it creates and ascribes ‘meaning’ in the cultural ‘space’. This is what entails the construction of cultural identity. Furthermore, religion carries, exchanges and creates meaning; therefore it functions as a language in itself. Hence, the language of religion is important for the construction and maintenance of Buryat cultural identity.Show less
