“Energy is the lifeblood of our society”. This is the opening phrase of the “Energy 2020, a strategy for sustainable, competitive and secure energy” as put forward by the European Commission in...Show more“Energy is the lifeblood of our society”. This is the opening phrase of the “Energy 2020, a strategy for sustainable, competitive and secure energy” as put forward by the European Commission in 2010. Despite the significance of energy, a collective E.U energy policy does not have a long history. A common E.U energy policy started in 2006 when it became understood that a common energy policy was needed to face the challenges that appeared in the beginning of the 21st century. These were higher prices and lower indigenous production, a growing assertiveness of producing countries and competition for resources with the newly emerging economies of China and India. The internal energy policy was based on the idea that liberal and integrated markets would lead to energy security. The external aspect of the energy policy was to promote its internal market regulations and create a common regulatory space with countries beyond its borders. This thesis will try to answer the question of whether or not the Energy Union created in 2015 mark a paradigm shift to E.U’s approach to external energy relations and how that has affected its relations with Russia, its most important supplierShow less
Although, as a region, the Western Balkans are often misunderstood, they have on several occasions taken the world’s attention and in fact been central to key international developments. While...Show moreAlthough, as a region, the Western Balkans are often misunderstood, they have on several occasions taken the world’s attention and in fact been central to key international developments. While often ignored when it comes to global media attention, as of recent the region has become increasingly relevant in light of geopolitical developments resulting from increasing rivalry between Russia and the European Union. Struggling to proceed with democratization, Western Balkans remain an extremely fragile and volatile region, making it susceptible to external influence. The research focuses on how the foreign influence of Russia in the Western Balkans as a ‘disruptive actor’ have played into domestic factors, such as ethnicity and nationalism, and how it has managed to affect the region’s process of democratization. Within the Western Balkans nationalism has served both as a force of unification and of conflict, and as such plays an important role in the regions’ geopolitical developments. Research surrounds the three cases of Montenegro, Macedonia (FYR), and Republika Srpska, one of two entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina: states each representing an ethnic division. While it cannot be argued that Russia is seeking to influence Western Balkan states at the cost of regional stability, it will argue that the increasing security threat posed to its own national interests by NATO and the EU have been the primary motivation for bolstering its efforts in the region. Fueled by the pronounced ‘fatigue’ of EU-enlargement, a window of opportunity has been opened in which it has increasingly exploited its favorable position with the Slavic and Eastern Orthodox communities of the Western Balkans.Show less
Few academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of...Show moreFew academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of Ukraine shows both the strengths and weaknesses of the post-colonial approach. While it is clear that a neo-colonial attitude does exist in Russia, this does not mean it directly influences individual foreign policy decisions. Post-colonialism cannot explain why Ukraine specifically is so important to Russia. Although Russia believes it has a civilising mission in the post-Soviet space in general, post-colonialism cannot explain Moscow’s specific policy response.Show less
The goal of this essay is to prove that national identity, as perceived by the Russian leadership plays an important role in the making of Russian foreign policy. The thesis is that Russian...Show moreThe goal of this essay is to prove that national identity, as perceived by the Russian leadership plays an important role in the making of Russian foreign policy. The thesis is that Russian-Brazilian relations confirm this importance of identity in Russian foreign policy. Although Russia and Brazil share certain commonalities when it comes to the size of the countries and populations, the leadership potential that comes with that, the developments they have gone through over the past century, similarities in their economies and some of the social issues they face today, in a practical sense they do not have that much in common. Geographically, they are remote from one another, historically they have been on opposite sides of the Cold War and they have very different regime types, Brazil being a fully-fledged democracy whereas Russia boasts a hybrid regime with authoritarian traits. They could easily conduct their internal and external affairs without investing any time and effort in bilateral relations, as they more or less have done in the 1990s. Therefore, Moscow’s relations with Brasilia make an interesting case to explore the motivations behind, as they are neither self-explanatory nor indispensable. This essay does not aim to prove that Russian-Brazilian relations are essential to Russian foreign policy. As abovementioned, they clearly are not indispensable. The Russian leadership does identify Brazil as a key partner in Latin America and describes the relationship as being of strategic importance , and in recent years the Kremlin has attributed increasing importance to relations with Latin America, but there can be no doubt that the region takes a backseat to Europe, Asia and North-America in Russian foreign policy. This essay merely sets out to demonstrate that matters of national identity play a role in the making of Russian foreign policy, and aims to lend further credence to this thesis by analysing Russian-Brazilian relations. To this end, part I of this essay offers an analysis of Russian foreign policy in the 21st century, paying special attention to Realist tendencies and matters that seem to illustrate the importance of identity, whereas part II of this essay focuses on Russian-Brazilian relations and how these seem to indicate the importance of identity in Russian foreign policy.Show less
