While Russia usually uses soft power to gain influence in the post-Soviet space, it decided to extend its influence in Crimea through an annexation, a strategy that Russia has not used (as of yet)...Show moreWhile Russia usually uses soft power to gain influence in the post-Soviet space, it decided to extend its influence in Crimea through an annexation, a strategy that Russia has not used (as of yet) in other post-Soviet areas. This thesis seeks to explain what factors explain Russia’s decision to annex Crimea next to continuing its soft power strategy. This research uses a constructivist approach and argues that culturally and historically constructed relations shape Russia’s foreign policy, and therefore, Russia’s foreign policy varies within the post-Soviet space. This research uses explaining-outcome process-tracing and a most-similar case study comparison to uncover why Russia decided to annex Crimea. The evidence suggests that while the Russian World is an essential aspect of Russia’s soft power strategy, Russia did not annex Crimea because it seeks to unite all compatriots in the Russian World. Instead, the evidence suggests that Russia annexed Crimea because of Crimea’s historical significance to Russia and because Russia seeks to regain its former great power status in the post-Soviet space.Show less
Russia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries...Show moreRussia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries from threats through military cooperation,conflict mediation and anti-interventionism to gain influence.Show less
Over the past decades a clear perception of dichotomy between the USA and the Russian Federation has persisted that has seeped into the perception of the strategy followed by either military. This...Show moreOver the past decades a clear perception of dichotomy between the USA and the Russian Federation has persisted that has seeped into the perception of the strategy followed by either military. This perception is examined and challenged through an analysis of either nations strategy and tactics in the field of Counterinsurgency (COIN). Initial glances appear to confirm the perception by highlighting the difference in success rate and efficiency in COIN by Russia and the USA. Analyses of military COIN tactics in Syria and Iraq, the strategic political circumstances of either nation, and the ability of the individual militaries to adapt to circumstances as well as synthesize useful knowledge, are used to examine the reasons for the increased effectiveness of Russian COIN. Tactically, it is found that both nations do not differ enough to result in the marked difference in success that has been found, therefore the reasons must lie in the other circumstances. The results of this thesis have the implication that military success in COIN is not found in specific tactical differences but rather through a combination of maintaining political will and a better synthesis of useful knowledge within the scope of the military. Therefore, the US and Russian COIN strategies are two sides of the same COIN, albeit one more successful.Show less
Since the inception of the Russian Federation and European Union, gas tensions in the European gas market have gradually increased to the point where the EU and Russia have become entangled in...Show moreSince the inception of the Russian Federation and European Union, gas tensions in the European gas market have gradually increased to the point where the EU and Russia have become entangled in several legal, economic, and political confrontations. An analysis of Russian and EU policies supports Constructivist assertions that ideas influence the decision-makers and policies involved in these confrontations. More specifically, an in-depth analysis of EU and Russian policies, strategic discourses, and policy environments reveals that EU-Russian gas tensions are correlated with an EU-Russian divergence in worldviews, goals, and tools. Once this observation is adapted to Hall’s theory of policy paradigms and fitted into a Constructivist framework, EU-Russian gas tensions appear to be driven by EU-Russian differences in economic paradigms. A thorough analysis of one of the longest-lasting and most explicit EU-Russian legal confrontations – the European Commission’s antitrust proceedings against Gazprom – lends support to this hypothesis. Over the course of this six-year-long legal battle, EU-Russian gas tensions increased whenever the divergence between the economic paradigms of the EU and Gazprom increased. Likewise, tensions decreased once their divergence decreased. This correlation is reinforced by the fact that the diverging EU and Russian economic paradigms have inspired conflicting policies that fuel these EU-Russian gas tensions. Thus a causal relationship between EU-Russian differences in economic paradigms and EU-Russian gas tensions seems to have been verified. This causal relationship has great implications for EU and Russian policies alike, for it questions common assumptions that EU-Russian gas tensions will automatically decrease once there is a political change.Show less
The theme of this thesis is the 2008 Russian military reforms which have been the most significant reforms since the fall of the Soviet-Union. The results of the reforms were mixed but successful...Show moreThe theme of this thesis is the 2008 Russian military reforms which have been the most significant reforms since the fall of the Soviet-Union. The results of the reforms were mixed but successful in comparison with earlier attempts. To find a possible explanation for some of the negative outcomes this thesis asks the following research question; To what extent does the dysfunctional, kleptocratic and corrupt system provide the explanation for the shortcomings of the Russian reforms of its military in 2008? The research question will be answered from a socio-cultural angle, and can perhaps provide an explanation for the dysfunctionality, kleptocratic and corrupt system that negatively affected the 2008 reforms. Based on the analysis in this thesis, it can be concluded the Russian military is plagued by a variety of problems that are socio-cultural in nature. This thesis demonstrates that aspects such as corruption, the legacy of the Soviet mentality, organizational culture and the negative public perception fuel the dysfunctionality of the Russian military and thus are related to the shortcomings of its reforms.Show less
The main objective of this thesis is to examine how the 2013 anti-gay propaganda law benefited the Russian government. This builds a connection between the effects of the law and the motivation for...Show moreThe main objective of this thesis is to examine how the 2013 anti-gay propaganda law benefited the Russian government. This builds a connection between the effects of the law and the motivation for passing the law. To be able to answer this central research question, it is necessary to investigate two sub-questions further: first, why the anti-gay propaganda law was implemented in 2013, and second, in what ways has the anti-gay propaganda law been implemented? after extensive research an overall trend can be seen. The main reason for the anti gay propaganda law to be passed was in order to strengthen Putinsism after Putins re-election. This can be examined by using Developmentalism, The ROC, a Russian national identity and media within Russia. This thesis therefore then asks the question if the LGBTQ+ community was only a victim of power politics or were specifically targeted with homophobic legislation.Show less
The thesis will demonstrate how Russia strongly needs a successful foreign policy for the Western Balkan region. As this region has both geopolitical and strategic significance, numerous leading...Show moreThe thesis will demonstrate how Russia strongly needs a successful foreign policy for the Western Balkan region. As this region has both geopolitical and strategic significance, numerous leading powers are battling for their dominance. Thus, Russia will need to prevail and maintain its position per se. In more depth, Russian foreign policy approaches will be analyzed through the case studies of Serbia and Montenegro. Based on that, the research question for this thesis will be: "How does Russia make use of its foreign policy as an instrument of maintaining its presence in the WB? (The case of Republic of Serbia and Montenegro)." Firstly, this thesis will include a specific scholarly approach, which was not much outlined in other corresponding literature. Accordingly, the thesis will demonstrate how both Serbia and Montenegro are reacting to Russian foreign policy influences. Along with that, it will be seen in which foreign policy aspects Russia has an advantage over the EU, which is their principal rival in the region. Hence, this structure will avoid a black and white and simplified analysis of foreign policy influences in the Western Balkans. The results of the analysis will explain how Russia mainly channels political, economic, and security leverages to Serbia and Montenegro. Most of these aspects coincide with a realist perspective, which Russia favors in their Western Balkan foreign policy goals. In the end, the thesis will point out the extent of Russian influence in these two states, which differ between each aspect. It will also prove the importance of Russian presence in the Western Balkans and leave more room for new analysis by upcomingscholars.Show less
This study aims to shed light on the controversial discussion surrounding Nord Stream 2, a sister gas pipeline of Nord Stream doubling the direct gas transport capacity from Russia to Germany, and...Show moreThis study aims to shed light on the controversial discussion surrounding Nord Stream 2, a sister gas pipeline of Nord Stream doubling the direct gas transport capacity from Russia to Germany, and to be completed at the end of 2019. It is argued that through this latest trade agreement with Russia, Germany has indirectly become an important factor in managing European stability. This thesis provides more insight into these German-Russian bilateral energy relations and its implications, by analyzing existing and new empirical data, and tracing the causal relations between Nord Stream 2, Germany’s national interests, and the political stability of the European Union. N.B. When reading this thesis, it needs to be taken into account that given the novelty and strong political implications of this topic, many notions and drawn conclusions could still be susceptible to change still. Therefore, the conclusion functions merely a description of current state of affairs and a prognosis of the future.Show less
This paper aims to analyse the democratic potential of the internet and the ways in which the Russian pro-government disinformation campaign is used to limit this potential by conducting...Show moreThis paper aims to analyse the democratic potential of the internet and the ways in which the Russian pro-government disinformation campaign is used to limit this potential by conducting exploratory research on Russia as a single case study. Firstly, Russia’s disinformation campaign is analysed on its own. Secondly, the paper causally connects this disinformation campaign to the internet’s potential to consolidate democracy, primarily as a new free medium for information. In doing so, the paper makes use of two theories, inoculation theory and network theory, as underlying mechanisms for its analysis. It is argued that a negative relation can be observed between the internet’s potential to consolidate democratic developments through free and truthful information and Russia’s disinformation campaign. As this paper remains primarily theoretical in its analysis, further research is advised to determine how this relation has manifested in Russian society and what practical implications can be observed.Show less
Russia has increased its presence in the Arctic. This thesis will argue that this happened due to climate change and economic opportunities, as well as the new security risks that these bring, but...Show moreRussia has increased its presence in the Arctic. This thesis will argue that this happened due to climate change and economic opportunities, as well as the new security risks that these bring, but above all due to Russia’s connection to the notion of power. With the help of revisionism and neo-revisionism, this thesis will explain why Russia is present in the Arctic in the way that it is, and why its behaviour is seemingly ambiguous and sometimes even conflicting.Show less
The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has redirected the attention of scholars and political analysts towards the often-forgotten frozen conflicts, now, consolidated into functioning de facto states in...Show moreThe ongoing conflict in Ukraine has redirected the attention of scholars and political analysts towards the often-forgotten frozen conflicts, now, consolidated into functioning de facto states in the Post-Soviet region. The recent opening of the official diplomatic representation of Transnistria in Moscow has sparked a series of questions regarding the intentions of the de facto state and its patron, Russia. While other de facto states, such as Abkhazia and South Ossetia have been recognised and have established official diplomatic missions in Moscow since 2008, the PMR is only taking these steps now. These developments point to a new chapter for Transnistria and raise questions regarding the statehood of the de facto state. This thesis seeks to uncover the overarching mechanisms which foster the development of de facto statehood. Considering the ‘renewal’ of negotiations in the ‘5+2’ format and the declared progress made in in terms of the ‘policy of small steps’ in Transnistria, this is a good place to start. Hence, this thesis aims to explore the causal link between peace processes and de facto statehood.Show less
This thesis aims to assess the effectiveness of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in protecting Human Rights in Russia, specifically in Chechnya. The thesis investigates Russia’s compliance...Show moreThis thesis aims to assess the effectiveness of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in protecting Human Rights in Russia, specifically in Chechnya. The thesis investigates Russia’s compliance to the Council of Europe’s regulatory criteria. Therefore, it first focuses on analysing the literature on the Council of Europe, the ECHR and Russia. After which, the thesis considers the different theories of compliance and how Russian power can be qualified. Next, it looks in detail to the Chechen case. It is a particularly extreme case for Human Rights violation. In Chechnya, there are frequent cases of Human Rights violations, such as abduction, torture, and killings. One recent example is the gay purges, showing the precarious situation of homosexuals who are subject to violence.Show less
This dissertation provides a new light on the role of the Russian Federation in the Eurasian Economic Union’s (EEU) formation and its economic integration. It looks and assesses the level of...Show moreThis dissertation provides a new light on the role of the Russian Federation in the Eurasian Economic Union’s (EEU) formation and its economic integration. It looks and assesses the level of current integration of the EEU as well as its prospects, epitomized by Russia’s willingness to push for a monetary union. To do so, the Data Analysis section investigates both current and prospects of Russia’s economic integration with the EEU. In sum, the analysis results reveal Russia’s economic motivation towards increasing its further integration with the Eurasian Economic Union. Further remarks point to data limitation and potential future research on the matter.Show less
This thesis focuses on the development of entrepreneurship and SME sector in the post-Soviet Russia. More specifically, it investigates the root-cause of stagnant development of entrepreneurship....Show moreThis thesis focuses on the development of entrepreneurship and SME sector in the post-Soviet Russia. More specifically, it investigates the root-cause of stagnant development of entrepreneurship. Convinced that the answer lies in the legacy of the 1990s crisis period, the thesis poses the following question: To what extent is the legacy of formal and informal constraints to businesses in the 1990s impacting the development of entrepreneurship and SME sector in contemporary Russia? As such, the goal of the thesis is to set a clear diagnosis that will provide a framework with strong foundations for future researchers, thereby aiding them in tackling the problem from the root. For that reason, a new hybrid framework is developed, which looks at structural (top-down) and ideational (bottom-up) factors. Based on the findings, Russia currently does not have a political, economic and socio-cultural structure in which entrepreneurship is in high demand. Statist-patrimonial capitalism, thriving corruption, unfavorable credit conditions, bureaucratic and administrative barriers still pose major problems for small and medium businesses. The overarching culture of informality as an accelerator for achieving goals, low entrepreneurial intentions and deteriorated entrepreneurs’ trust in the state are other survivors of the 1990s transition. Many practices have thus, survived the turbulent transition or have evolved from it. However, the essence has remained the same, which keeps the 1990s legacy alive and the vicious circle turning, thereby leaving entrepreneurship and SME stuck in development. Unless the problem of stalemate in development is tackled from the core on the political, economic and the socio-cultural fronts, it is not likely that major advancements will be made in building a strong entrepreneurial Russia with a large and dynamic SME sector.Show less
