The Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has...Show moreThe Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has received much attention and is occasionally described as the region’s “wild card”, based on international wariness about an increasingly assertive Russian leadership. In the last decade, Moscow has significantly expanded its military capabilities in the region and has adopted a more securitised stance on economic development of its Arctic territories, yet at the same time, it has consistently been an active presence in Arctic regional cooperation. This thesis explores the seeming bipolarity in Russia’s behaviour by paying special attention to the link between ideational and material motivations. Premised on the idea that the formation of national interests of a state is closely connected with the formation of its national identity, it identifies Russia’s pursuit of great power status in the Arctic as a key driver of Russian Arctic policy. Borrowing from critical geopolitics, which suggests that territory and geography are subject of active formulation and reformulation by governments, this thesis analyses policy documents to illustrate how the Kremlin conceptualises three different understandings of the Arctic region (the Arctic as a zone of peace and cooperation; the Arctic as essential for ensuring national security; and the Arctic as a base for Russia’s economic revival) as guided by different interests.Show less
The legislative changes of the past two decades have been influencing the civil society in the Russian Federation. The most recent laws led to stigmatisation and problems in regard to funding and...Show moreThe legislative changes of the past two decades have been influencing the civil society in the Russian Federation. The most recent laws led to stigmatisation and problems in regard to funding and cross-sectoral cooperation between organisations. To what extent an NGO working in Russia benefits from or suffers under the laws, differs from the work field of the NGO. While the Russian authorities support many ‘socially useful’ NGOs with grants and cooperation, organisations focusing on human and environmental rights experience the more negative consequences of the laws and encounter difficulties to receive (financial) support. This thesis discusses which strategies Russian organisations use to counter the “crackdown” on the civil society. The research focuses on the case of Memorial Human Rights Center (Memorial HRC). Memorial HRC is a leading human rights organisation and one of the oldest civil rights organisations in Russia. The thesis provides an overview of the situation for Memorial HRC, and which protection and survival strategies the organisation uses to secure its future.Show less
Lithuania gained more energy independence from Russia after building the Floating Storage Regasification Unit Independence (FSRU Independence) in Klaipėda in 2014. Diversification meant that...Show moreLithuania gained more energy independence from Russia after building the Floating Storage Regasification Unit Independence (FSRU Independence) in Klaipėda in 2014. Diversification meant that Lithuania being solely reliant on Russian energy changed and therefore, possibly Russia’s foreign energy policy towards Lithuania as well. This could indicate that Russia might not have used its well-known energy weapon in Lithuania’s domestic energy politics after 2014. This study therefore has as research question: What elements of Russia’s foreign energy policy has Russia used with regard to Lithuania’s domestic energy politics since 2014? The research argues that Russia has not effectively or not at all resorted to using elements of its foreign energy policy with regard to Lithuania’s domestic energy politics after 2014. Russia rather has attempted to reduce Lithuania’s larger leverage over Russia than Russia had on Lithuania in the last few years. Clearly, the identified elements of Russia’s foreign energy policy were not applicable after Lithuania’s diversification of energy and therefore, Russia should probably resort to new foreign policy tools in the future in case if it is willing to influence Lithuania’s domestic energy politics again.Show less
This thesis examines the use of the word 'Londongrad' in four British national newspapers and draws extensively upon the approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) outlined by Richardson [2007]....Show moreThis thesis examines the use of the word 'Londongrad' in four British national newspapers and draws extensively upon the approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) outlined by Richardson [2007]. The study compares the use of 'Londongrad' in a sample of articles from two time periods: 2005-8 and 2011-14, defining how it is used and how its use has changed over time, with reference to wider social, political and cultural contexts. Results indicate that 'Londongrad' is particularly prevalent in the right-wing press, and that its use has become more prominent over time. The thesis puts forward the argument that 'Londongrad' lacks concrete definition but carries implicit meaning that allows for the reinforcement of negative stereotypes with regard to Russian activity in the UK. In highlighting this, the intention is to draw attention to the way in which patterns of discourse can encode prejudice.Show less