On the 24th of February 2022, Russia undertook the largest land invasion into a sovereign state since World War II. The unprecedented move was met with a swift deployment of economic tools to deter...Show moreOn the 24th of February 2022, Russia undertook the largest land invasion into a sovereign state since World War II. The unprecedented move was met with a swift deployment of economic tools to deter the invasion and increase Russia’s costs of sustaining the military effort in the long term. As a result of this economic warfare between Russia and the Global North, sovereign assets of more than 300 Billion US Dollars belonging to the Russian Central Bank (RCB) have been frozen. This constituted the largest seizure of sovereign assets since World War II. As of June 2024, calls in the United States and the European Union to use the RCB assets for Ukraine’s military and humanitarian efforts have only been amplifying. These voices neglect international legal perspectives- specifically from the Global South- which highlight the discourses on sovereign immunity and countermeasures. These voices probe the following questions: What do the RCB sanctions mean for the existing sovereign immunity regime? What is the validity of the countermeasures doctrine with regards to the RCB? And most importantly, what do such measures mean for Western financial hegemony? This thesis encapsulates all these legal discourses by asking the question: What is the legality of the Global North states’ sanctions against the Russian Central Bank?Show less
This thesis examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on transatlantic relations through a neoclassical realist perspective. It tests the hypothesis that the sustained conflict would...Show moreThis thesis examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on transatlantic relations through a neoclassical realist perspective. It tests the hypothesis that the sustained conflict would foster nationalist and regionalist sentiment, leading to continued divergence in the transatlantic alliance. The paper does this by employing a holistic grading method to analyze nationalist and European regionalist rhetoric in speeches from key Western leaders, specifically French President Emmanuel Macron, American President Joe Biden, and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz. Contrary to initial expectations, the findings indicate that nationalist and European regionalist sentiments have not significantly increased among these leaders. Consequently, the US-EU relationship remains on a convergent path, suggesting resilience in the liberal international order.Show less
This thesis addresses the gap in post-truth war literature by examining victim representation in post-truth wars, focusing on how photography is used to weaponize victims to support a narrative...Show moreThis thesis addresses the gap in post-truth war literature by examining victim representation in post-truth wars, focusing on how photography is used to weaponize victims to support a narrative that can be either helpful or damaging to their cause. It analyzes Russian propaganda supporting Assad’s regime surrounding the Syrian chemical attacks (2013, 2017, 2018). The analysis draws from the field of victimology and critiques of violent photography. Findings reveal photography's dual role in hybrid conflicts: manipulating evidence and empowering audiences to challenge narratives and advocate for justice. This is crucial in the context of increasing hybrid conflicts and citizen-journalism.Show less
This thesis analyses the legal evolution of the institutions of arbitrazh court and private arbitration in Russia from the perspective of legal memetics and political theory of sistema.
The Zeitenwende has come with major developments in world order. Along with that, the image of global powers has changed. Media play a huge role in shaping the perceived identities of these actors....Show moreThe Zeitenwende has come with major developments in world order. Along with that, the image of global powers has changed. Media play a huge role in shaping the perceived identities of these actors. This thesis delves into the presentation of Russia and the European Union (EU) on the basis of the European sanctions against Russia since the invasion of Ukraine. It aims to answer the following research question: how do contemporary German and Russian media discourses on the EU sanctions frame the identity of the EU compared to Russia? Russian and German media are compared to provide insights into the way the identity of Russia and the EU are created in opposition to each other. As the media paint a picture of Russia and the EU as global actors, they rely on the interpretation of political events and foreign policy decisions, such as the implementation of sanctions. A mixed-methods approach of a quantitative content analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis reveals that the sanctions are appropriated to contribute to the dominant narrative in both Russia and the EU. In particular, Russian media create an image of Russia as smart and strong by othering the EU as stupid and irresponsible. In this light, the sanctions are casted as meaningless political activity. Meanwhile in the German media, the identity of the EU as capable actor is contingent on the impact of sanctions on Russia. Since the media contain a debate on the effectiveness on the sanctions, major disruptions of the Russian economy reflect a competent actor. Alternatively, when the effect of the sanctions is evaluated negatively the identity of the EU as capable is weakened. Furthermore, both the Russian and German media utilise legitimisation strategies to strengthen their narrative. First, the Russian media rely on authorisation to depict Russia as resilient actor. By referring to comments made by experts, it is stated that the Russian economy is not harmed by the sanctions. On the contrary, it is maintained that the sanctions damage the EU economy more. This way, it is emphasised that the EU is an irresponsible actor. Second, the German media employ rationalisation strategies to create an image of the EU as defensive actor. This means that the EU response is justified by providing a reason, in this case the attempt to contain Russia’s aggressive behaviour. Therefore, German media frame the EU as a capable actor with a set of instruments at its disposal to influence Russia. All in all, this thesis demonstrates that the identities of Russia and the EU are evolving in opposite directions.Show less
Between 2005 and the large scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the orange and black ribbon of St George has become one of the most widely recognized symbols of the Putin regime and its military...Show moreBetween 2005 and the large scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the orange and black ribbon of St George has become one of the most widely recognized symbols of the Putin regime and its military ambitions outside of Russia’s borders. Together with the ‘Z’ and ‘V’ it is probably the most recognizable symbol of the pro-Russian side in the Ukrainian war and of pro-Kremlin elements inside of Russia. In some ways it may seem strange that the ribbon has become so closely associated with the current war in Ukraine because its present popularity in Russia began with a campaign launched in 2005 that used the ribbon to commemorate the Soviet victory in WWII. After the launch of that campaign, people in Russia started wearing the ribbon on their lapels around the May 9th commemorations of the ‘Great Patriotic War’ in a way that is somewhat reminiscent of the ‘poppies’ distributed each year by the Royal British Legion in the United Kingdom. However, quite unlike the British poppies, the meaning ascribed to the ribbon of St George quickly went beyond mere commemoration of victory in the Great Patriotic War and quickly took on a wider significance encompassing not only pride in the past but also a particular understanding of Russian nationhood and Russia’s current place in the world, one that closely aligned with the Putin regime’s ambitions on the world stage. The question I will try to answer in this study is how views and interpretations of the St George ribbon’s meaning evolved- inside and outside of Russia- in English language media outlets, whose coverage focused on events in Russia and Ukraine between, 2005 and 2022.Show less
De focus van dit onderzoek is gericht op de ontwikkeling van de verhouding tussen Bogdanov en de bolsjewistische beweging na 1909. Deze verhouding toonde hoofdzakelijk een vast patroon van continue...Show moreDe focus van dit onderzoek is gericht op de ontwikkeling van de verhouding tussen Bogdanov en de bolsjewistische beweging na 1909. Deze verhouding toonde hoofdzakelijk een vast patroon van continue spanning. De Oktoberrevolutie van 1917 was het belangrijkste moment in deze verhouding, doordat deze gebeurtenis leidde tot een verdere opbouw van spanning. Verder is in dit onderzoek aangetoond dat het buitenspel zetten van Bogdanov uit de politieke arena van grote impact is geweest op de ontwikkeling van de bestuurscultuur van de bolsjewistische beweging. Bogdanovs ideeën bleven in de jaren 1920 van invloed op meerdere Sovjetpolitici, maar werden hierna van minder belang door toenemende censuur.Show less
While the 2014 annexation of Crimea was a complete success for Russia, Russia’s involvement in the Donbas conflict only a month later proved a failure despite the use of similar tactics. Previous...Show moreWhile the 2014 annexation of Crimea was a complete success for Russia, Russia’s involvement in the Donbas conflict only a month later proved a failure despite the use of similar tactics. Previous academic discourse has alluded to these kinds of tactics, here presented as ‘ambiguous warfare’ operations, being implemented in future conflicts. Yet, little attention has been awarded to which factors facilitate successful implementations of ambiguous warfare. The case study presented in this research has set out to determine if the conditions that facilitated ambiguous warfare’s success in Crimea were present in the Donbas. It is additionally explored which differences in the two operations denied Russia a favourable outcome in the Donbas. Results show that four out of six success conditions for ambiguous warfare were not present in the Donbas. Additionally, ambiguous warfare in the Donbas was hindered by ill-suited strategic goals for such operations and insufficient planning. The findings suggest that favorable conditions for ambiguous warfare rarely occur, with the Donbas conflict producing no lasting success for Russia. Yet, states should increase their resilience against ambiguous warfare threats, as such operations may remain appealing options for Russia. This research paper complements the academic understanding of ambiguous warfare.Show less
One year into the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war, debates still rage over the Russian motivations for this war. Purely international explanations, found in offensive and defensive realism, emphasise that...Show moreOne year into the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war, debates still rage over the Russian motivations for this war. Purely international explanations, found in offensive and defensive realism, emphasise that wars are best understood as a means of states to ensure security among states. I argue that domestic considerations matter by stressing the analytical utility of the selectorate theory of war, which argues that state behaviour is best explained by a leader's desire to stay in power through ensuring loyalty by providing public and private goods. Using a qualitative explanatory case study research design, focusing on a single case: the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It is found that before the war, Vladimir Putin was facing a crisis of political survival because his ability to ensure support from the elites he depended on and the wider public was increasingly constrained during his presidency due to a persistently stagnating economy. The war strengthened Putin’s political survival because newly acquired territories provide new sources of revenue for Russia’s elites. For the wider public, this study strongly suggests that Putin was aiming for a rally round the flag effect to distract the public at home from deteriorating circumstances and temporarily reduce the demand for public goods. In addition, the war legitimised greater repression, which signals a high cost of expressing discontent with Putin which deters future opposition and serves as a means to purge the elites and the broader public from disloyalty. Understanding these domestic factors that are negated by the purely international explanations of war is crucial for understanding the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war. This thesis provides a novel contribution to the literature explaining Russia’s foreign policies by using the selectorate theory of war, a theory that has not been used systematically for explaining Russia’s foreign policy.Show less
Amid the war in Ukraine, Russia relocated a substantial number of Ukrainian refugees to its territory, with a significant portion compelled to seek shelter in the Siberian Federal District and the...Show moreAmid the war in Ukraine, Russia relocated a substantial number of Ukrainian refugees to its territory, with a significant portion compelled to seek shelter in the Siberian Federal District and the Far Eastern Federal District. This study delves into the historical and contemporary migration patterns considering Siberia, revealing Russia's persistent drive to populate this region. By examining coerced migrations in the past, alongside the challenges of a declining population in Siberia today, and analyzing the current relocation of refugees to these areas, this research highlights the cyclical nature present in the Imperial, Soviet, and Russian governments' efforts. The programmes and initiatives, implemented by the Imperial, Soviet, and Russian governments to populate the Siberian Federal District and the Far Eastern Federal District, may achieve initial success but eventually encounter difficulties leading to individuals moving out of Siberia again. The resettlement of Ukrainian refugees in Siberia underscores Russia's ongoing pursuit of a "Siberian Solution," shedding light on the intricate dynamics of compelled population movements within the region.Show less
Combining literature on autocratic stability and regime legitimation, this thesis seeks to explore the dynamics between economic shocks in patron states and a decrease in the political stability of...Show moreCombining literature on autocratic stability and regime legitimation, this thesis seeks to explore the dynamics between economic shocks in patron states and a decrease in the political stability of its client state(s). This research focuses on Russia as the patron state, and Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan as its client states. It finds that output legitimacy is the primary strategy of legitimation of Central Asian states, and that economic crises in Russia directly impact the stability of the researched states. However, this effect is somewhat alleviated by moderating factors in the case of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan.Show less
