This research aims to improve our understanding of the decision-making processes within the European Union (EU) concerning sanctions imposed on Russia following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine....Show moreThis research aims to improve our understanding of the decision-making processes within the European Union (EU) concerning sanctions imposed on Russia following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Through the implementation of a comprehensive framework, this research enables a thorough examination of the selection process for specific types of sanctions, their application across various sectors, and the consideration of exceptions. The study expands upon existing literature by integrating feedback effects into the framework, alongside normative, domestic political, and geopolitical factors, as well as diffusion effects. The findings underscore the significant influence of normative and geopolitical considerations, while also highlighting the constraints imposed by humanitarian and economic concerns. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a dynamic sanctions regime shaped by feedback mechanisms and evolving geopolitical dynamics. By providing a solid foundation, this study paves the way for future research efforts on sanction design. It enables comparisons with other entities that impose sanctions and facilitates the evaluation of diverse sanctioning instruments in terms of their effectiveness.Show less
The war between Russia and Ukraine that started in 2022 came as a shock to most of the world. While the war is still in progress, attempts to prosecute the aggressor have already been set in motion...Show moreThe war between Russia and Ukraine that started in 2022 came as a shock to most of the world. While the war is still in progress, attempts to prosecute the aggressor have already been set in motion. The crime of aggression, which refers to Russia initiating the war, currently falls outside of the prosecuting options within international law. Therefore, the idea was created to set up an ad-hoc criminal tribunal to prosecute Russia’s high officials for starting the war. This thesis examines the factors that influenced the Dutch government’s offer to host a potential criminal tribunal to hold Russia accountable for the crime of aggression. Government documents, policy reports and literature on the interplay between international law and international relations were analysed and provided a basis for the semistructured interviews. The interviews with government officials and professors in international law and foreign policy show that there are multiple factors that influenced this offer. It was found there is a strong relationship between the history of the Netherlands and the foreign policy identity that exists today. The focus on accountability and the fight against impunity strongly influenced the Netherlands’ commitment to aiding the international community, by focussing on their specialty: hosting an international tribunal. The most important factor that could be identified which influenced the offer is the aspiration of the Netherlands to project a foreign policy identity that is linked to hosting international tribunals.Show less
This thesis investigates how the German Federal Government lives up to its normative and international commitments and initiatives to harmonize arms export controls. By analyzing existing data from...Show moreThis thesis investigates how the German Federal Government lives up to its normative and international commitments and initiatives to harmonize arms export controls. By analyzing existing data from the Federal Government’s yearly reports on its policy on exports of conventional military equipment and applying the International Relations Theories of Neorealism and Neoliberalism, it highlights the inseparability of arms export policy frameworks and foreign and security policy interests in the case of Germany. Furthermore, this thesis calls attention to the hierarchical structure that exists within this inseparability where the country’s arms export policy framework is given a secondary role to its foreign and security interests.Show less
This thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the...Show moreThis thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the two main aspects of the Gibridnaya Voyna framework, NATO expansion and color revolutions, throughout major Russian documents from 1991 to 2016.Show less
In April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester...Show moreIn April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester was killed and over 1,000 were arrested, came to be known as ‘Bronze Night’ and were sparked by the removal and relocation of a Soviet-era monument, the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which had stood in the centre of the city since 1947. This study argues that the removal of the ‘Bronze Soldier' can be viewed as the culmination of a ‘memory war’ which has played out since independence and which highlights and contributes to a rift in Estonian society. Drawing on insights garnered from memory studies and elements of securitization theory, this study argues that the construction of a singular focused ‘memory regime’ by the Estonian state has led to increased marginalisation of the ethnic Russian population in the state. Such marginalisation led to the creation of a counter-memory regime, embodied by the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which was easily exploited by the Russian state. The ensuing ‘memory war’ between both interpretations of history ensured ongoing hostility and antagonism between both ethnic groups which culminated in the events witnessed in 2007. This study argues that the construction of a more critical and pluralistic historical narrative on the part of the Estonian state, as opposed to an incessant fixation on Russia, would ensure increased integration in Estonia and subsequently, foster a greater feeling of security on the part of the Estonian state.Show less
The thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian...Show moreThe thesis analyses the extent to which the 2013 Crisis in Ukraine affected Kazakhstan and Belarus's economic and political relations with Russia within the integrational framework of the Eurasian Economic Union.Show less
The Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has...Show moreThe Arctic region finds itself increasingly in the international spotlight, especially since globalisation and melting ice coverage offer many new economic opportunities. Russia, in particular, has received much attention and is occasionally described as the region’s “wild card”, based on international wariness about an increasingly assertive Russian leadership. In the last decade, Moscow has significantly expanded its military capabilities in the region and has adopted a more securitised stance on economic development of its Arctic territories, yet at the same time, it has consistently been an active presence in Arctic regional cooperation. This thesis explores the seeming bipolarity in Russia’s behaviour by paying special attention to the link between ideational and material motivations. Premised on the idea that the formation of national interests of a state is closely connected with the formation of its national identity, it identifies Russia’s pursuit of great power status in the Arctic as a key driver of Russian Arctic policy. Borrowing from critical geopolitics, which suggests that territory and geography are subject of active formulation and reformulation by governments, this thesis analyses policy documents to illustrate how the Kremlin conceptualises three different understandings of the Arctic region (the Arctic as a zone of peace and cooperation; the Arctic as essential for ensuring national security; and the Arctic as a base for Russia’s economic revival) as guided by different interests.Show less
The heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims...Show moreThe heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of Russian foreign policy within the OSCE as well as Russia’s stance towards Euro-Atlantic security issues. It addresses the question how Russia discursively constructs its national identity within the OSCE in the period 2008-2018 and whether these discourses reveal any changes and/or contradictions. This thesis fills an important research gap, because no previous research has been done on Russia’s national identity within the OSCE. A comprehensive understanding of a state’s national identity in its foreign policy is relevant, as it provides insights into the ideological factors that drive how a state defines and pursues its national interests and subsequently foreign policy. A poststructuralist discourse analysis is conducted of the Russian statements delivered at the yearly OSCE Ministerial Council Meetings in the period 2008-2018. The discourse analysis provided insights into how Russia perceives and would like to promote itself within the OSCE. It demonstrated that Russia presents itself within the OSCE as a redeemer of OSCE unilateral actions and an advocate of multilateralism, as a leading, responsible and moral actor that wants to be perceived and treated as a great power, and lastly as a guardian of traditional values and the Russian Orthodox Church.Show less
In light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the...Show moreIn light of the growth in cyberattacks occurring over the past few years, especially after the devastating effects of NotPetya and WannaCry malwares, this thesis reviews the application of the securitisation theory to the phenomenon of cyberattacks. It addresses the shortcomings of the theoretical framework proposed by the Copenhagen School of thoughts with regards to this particular security area and suggests an adapted approach, more flexible and contextual. The paper develops its thesis in the context of Russian cyberattacks against the Ukrainian power grid and infrastructures that occurred in recent years.Show less
The concept of hybrid warfare, regarding how ‘the West’ perceives Russia to employ it, is the core subject of this thesis, taking into account both the advantages and disadvantages of using such a...Show moreThe concept of hybrid warfare, regarding how ‘the West’ perceives Russia to employ it, is the core subject of this thesis, taking into account both the advantages and disadvantages of using such a term, explaining its specific elements when comparing it to other types of warfare, and looking into the politicisation of the term. Since many authors are of the opinion that hybrid warfare currently lacks a general theory which properly distinguishes it from other types of warfare, and that could serve to frame it in a meaningful manner, this thesis contributes to a critical understanding of the current security environment with regards to perceived Russian hybrid threats. As the concept of hybrid warfare has grown up to the extent where it can encompass virtually anything relating to conflict, this thesis emphasizes the cyber domain, alongside (mis)information operations as these can be considered as some of the most unconventional concepts in contemporary warfare.Show less
The annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took...Show moreThe annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took place after the so-called Ukrainian revolution, remains of significant interest to researchers who seek to understand why Russia undertook such an action. Such research is partially hindered by a lack of open access to documents and other sources related to the annexation. In that regard, this thesis is not exactly novel. It too seeks to understand why Russia annexed Crimea. In order to realize that goal, this research utilizes a methodology originating from the field of strategic culture analysis (SCA). This methodology, as originally formulated by Edward Lock, suggests that the researcher maps common ideas regarding strategic culture which can be derived from sources such as public statements, interviews and speeches. Following analysis, the researcher is then able to formulate how these common ideas might influence strategic behavior. Utilizing this approach results in findings which suggest that Russia’s annexation of Crimea was an opportunistic act, driven by external factors such as Russia’s distrust for the West and its fear for NATO, as well as its desire to hold a firm grip on Sevastopol’s naval base.Show less
The literature on EU enlargement has already explored its effectiveness, whether it remains a popular policy among the Member States, and if Balkan political elites and their populations still...Show moreThe literature on EU enlargement has already explored its effectiveness, whether it remains a popular policy among the Member States, and if Balkan political elites and their populations still prioritise EU membership. Insights have been offered into the current discord between, and conflicting interests of, the EU and its Member States, and whether the EU in its current state can offer the incentives necessary for Europeanisation to progress in a region with simmering nationalist and ethnic tensions. However, little effort has been expended on exploring whether and how EU policy towards the Western Balkans has been affected by increasingly assertive Russian foreign policy. To answer this, I will examine the accession process from the annexation of Crimea in 2014 until 2018, a year which saw two major European summits dedicated to the region. The exploration of whether Russia is considered a threat to the EU's ambitions in the region and how the EU has chosen to respond will result in a greater understanding of the Union's capacities and limits as an international actor.Show less
A research into the failure of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. Both local actors as well as Russia will be researched in order to understand in what way these actors have obstructed a peaceful...Show moreA research into the failure of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. Both local actors as well as Russia will be researched in order to understand in what way these actors have obstructed a peaceful solution to the peace process in Nagorno-Karabakh. The period that is researched is from approximately 1988 to 2016. The final conclusion of this master thesis is that non of the actors involved are genuinely interested in finding a peaceful solution. All the actors involved have obstructed a peaceful solution of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process over the years.Show less
On April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that...Show moreOn April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that started in 2011 slowly unfolded into a larger regional and international conflict. The complexity of alliances in the Syrian conflict might be a reason of the long-lasting hostilities that still continue today. This thesis investigated the role of two main actors in the Syrian conflict: the United States and Russia. This study aimed to answer the following research question: how are the US-Russian relations in the UNSC on the Syrian conflict from March 2011-June 2018? In a heightened atmosphere in international relations, it is important to find out if more room for cooperation between the two countries exists within the UNSC framework. A document analysis of the UNSC meeting records, presidential statements and (draft) resolutions from 2011-2018 has been conducted. The contribution of this study lies in the systematic analysis of the UNSC minutes on the Syrian conflict which enables the author to draw conclusions over the entirety of the war. By looking at three main categories – the use of chemical weapons, humanitarian assistance, and the political peace process – this thesis found out that the US and Russia seem to agree on a broader level, but that filling in the details proves to be problematic.Show less
This thesis seeks to explore what the results of the 2011 Libya intervention have been for the Responsibility to Protect principle (R2P). In order to achieve this thesis conducts a Critical...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore what the results of the 2011 Libya intervention have been for the Responsibility to Protect principle (R2P). In order to achieve this thesis conducts a Critical Discourse Analysis into Russia and China. The choice of Russia and China is to remedy the overreliance on Western thinking on R2P present in the existing literature. This thesis argues that the Libya intervention has resulted in increased difficulties for the R2P, though deepening existing scepticism as well as providing more evidence as to the damaging results of military interventions.Show less
This thesis shows the obstacles EU defense has historically faced and the extent to which present-day initiatives have been designed to (hopefully) overcome at least some of those obstacles. This...Show moreThis thesis shows the obstacles EU defense has historically faced and the extent to which present-day initiatives have been designed to (hopefully) overcome at least some of those obstacles. This thesis shows how recent developments in the EU's security and defence policy, such as PESCO, are designed to overcome institutional, geopolitical and strategic obstacles to the EU's security. The (historic) institutional obstacle to cooperation in the EU's security and defence policy have become obstacles to the EU's security, with the recent change in Europe's security environment; with the more assertive foreign policy of the Russian Federation and the change in US foreign policy under president Donald Trump. This in turn led to a reaction of the EU and its Member States.Show less
This thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away...Show moreThis thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away from the EU by using language. The research is conducted through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of 25 speeches and statements by David Cameron and Theresa May. The timeframe begins when Cameron promised a referendum on EU membership in January 2013, and ends in October 2017, more than a year after the yes-vote. The analysis reveals that British discourse on common security threats was not gradually de-Europeanized, but internationalised by May by constructing the UK as ‘Global Britain’. Language on migrants from the EU to the UK was already de-Europeanized before the Brexit referendum, and did not change significantly after the referendum. In fact, it gradually normalised after Cameron’s General Election victory in 2015. This study also reveals that both prime ministers could ‘cherry pick’ identities, meaning that they could choose between constructing a national, European, or even global identity to their liking per policy area.Show less
