“Energy is the lifeblood of our society”. This is the opening phrase of the “Energy 2020, a strategy for sustainable, competitive and secure energy” as put forward by the European Commission in...Show more“Energy is the lifeblood of our society”. This is the opening phrase of the “Energy 2020, a strategy for sustainable, competitive and secure energy” as put forward by the European Commission in 2010. Despite the significance of energy, a collective E.U energy policy does not have a long history. A common E.U energy policy started in 2006 when it became understood that a common energy policy was needed to face the challenges that appeared in the beginning of the 21st century. These were higher prices and lower indigenous production, a growing assertiveness of producing countries and competition for resources with the newly emerging economies of China and India. The internal energy policy was based on the idea that liberal and integrated markets would lead to energy security. The external aspect of the energy policy was to promote its internal market regulations and create a common regulatory space with countries beyond its borders. This thesis will try to answer the question of whether or not the Energy Union created in 2015 mark a paradigm shift to E.U’s approach to external energy relations and how that has affected its relations with Russia, its most important supplierShow less
Although, as a region, the Western Balkans are often misunderstood, they have on several occasions taken the world’s attention and in fact been central to key international developments. While...Show moreAlthough, as a region, the Western Balkans are often misunderstood, they have on several occasions taken the world’s attention and in fact been central to key international developments. While often ignored when it comes to global media attention, as of recent the region has become increasingly relevant in light of geopolitical developments resulting from increasing rivalry between Russia and the European Union. Struggling to proceed with democratization, Western Balkans remain an extremely fragile and volatile region, making it susceptible to external influence. The research focuses on how the foreign influence of Russia in the Western Balkans as a ‘disruptive actor’ have played into domestic factors, such as ethnicity and nationalism, and how it has managed to affect the region’s process of democratization. Within the Western Balkans nationalism has served both as a force of unification and of conflict, and as such plays an important role in the regions’ geopolitical developments. Research surrounds the three cases of Montenegro, Macedonia (FYR), and Republika Srpska, one of two entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina: states each representing an ethnic division. While it cannot be argued that Russia is seeking to influence Western Balkan states at the cost of regional stability, it will argue that the increasing security threat posed to its own national interests by NATO and the EU have been the primary motivation for bolstering its efforts in the region. Fueled by the pronounced ‘fatigue’ of EU-enlargement, a window of opportunity has been opened in which it has increasingly exploited its favorable position with the Slavic and Eastern Orthodox communities of the Western Balkans.Show less
Few academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of...Show moreFew academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of Ukraine shows both the strengths and weaknesses of the post-colonial approach. While it is clear that a neo-colonial attitude does exist in Russia, this does not mean it directly influences individual foreign policy decisions. Post-colonialism cannot explain why Ukraine specifically is so important to Russia. Although Russia believes it has a civilising mission in the post-Soviet space in general, post-colonialism cannot explain Moscow’s specific policy response.Show less
