The cases of de facto states in the South Caucasus, including the subject of this paper, Abkhazia, demonstrates that successful state-building is possible under non-recognition and with the lack of...Show moreThe cases of de facto states in the South Caucasus, including the subject of this paper, Abkhazia, demonstrates that successful state-building is possible under non-recognition and with the lack of international sovereignty. Moreover, the very existence of such political bodies erodes the international rule of law and undermines basic principals of international relations and foundations of the Westphalian world order. While the Russian aspect of the case receives plenty of attention little discussion is dedicated to the Abkhaz nation's struggle for status, independence and the validity of their claims. Therefore, this research aims to identify and analyze the feasibility of those policy instruments of the Abkhaz government that are independent from other actors and would possibly contribute to the republic's final goal; to gain wider recognition and engage in international trade in order to end Abkhazia's long-lasting isolation and stabilize the area.Show less
The Syrian civil war has evolved from local to a conflict with global repercussions. Russia’s decision to intervene militarily has arguably been of great influence on the Syrian conflict. The main...Show moreThe Syrian civil war has evolved from local to a conflict with global repercussions. Russia’s decision to intervene militarily has arguably been of great influence on the Syrian conflict. The main focus of this thesis is to assess the effectiveness of Russia’s foreign policy regarding Syria, specifically the ongoing Syrian conflict. This is measured by analysing the translation of foreign policy goals into implementation and by determining whether the goals have been met. The groundwork in terms of literature consists of scholarly work on the making and implementation of foreign policy both in general and in relation to Russia. The main chapters are devoted to the goals, implementation and achievements of Russia’s foreign policy with respect to Syria. First, light is shed on the goals of Russia’s foreign policy regarding Syria and their mode of implementation. Then it is determined if and to what extent the foreign policy goals have been met. This then allows for analysis of the factors that have either fostered or constrained the implementation of Russia’s foreign policy goals. Finally, a cautious effort is made to discern future prospects regarding Russia’s foreign policy in Syria.Show less
The Decriminalisation of Domestic Violence in Russia. Reasons for and Implications of the Amendment of Article 116 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation
This Bachelor thesis investigates the Russian media during the second Chechen conflict based on the media coverage of Anna Politkovskaya. It gives a broad view of her media coverage and her view on...Show moreThis Bachelor thesis investigates the Russian media during the second Chechen conflict based on the media coverage of Anna Politkovskaya. It gives a broad view of her media coverage and her view on the conflict.Show less
With tensions between Russia and the West rising to Cold War-like proportions in recent years, it is important to keep a clear head as much as possible when the West engages with Russia....Show moreWith tensions between Russia and the West rising to Cold War-like proportions in recent years, it is important to keep a clear head as much as possible when the West engages with Russia. Perceptions of the Other can play a role in the way we engage with them, and those perceptions can be partially shaped by the images of the Other constructed by the media. This thesis discusses how one particular medium, video games, contributes to the perception and misperception of Russia by asking, what image of Russia and Russians do American-made video games construct, and how is it constructed? It examines and analyses two case studies, two popular video game trilogies, and concludes that the games’ gameplay, game-world and game-structure construct a Russia that is imperialist, immoral and cruel, hardly different from the Soviet Union that came before. Russians are frequently stereotyped as mindless patriots, unified in their love for “Mother Russia” and in their hatred for the West, especially America. Such depictions can be a contributing factor in the shaping of public and decision-makers’ perceptions of Russia as a threat to the West.Show less
On April 27th of 2017, Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin met once again in Russia to discuss bilateral cooperation and the dispute surrounding the Northern...Show moreOn April 27th of 2017, Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russia’s president Vladimir Putin met once again in Russia to discuss bilateral cooperation and the dispute surrounding the Northern Territories. Japan and Russia have been in conflict over the four southernmost islands of the Kuril Island archipelago ever since they were handed over to the Soviet Union at the end of World War II. While for many years the bilateral trade between Japan and Russia was stagnating, ever since the summit in Vladivostok in 2012, there has been an eastward shift of the Russian economy. In May 2016 Abe announced that they were taking a new approach in the negotiations. While many believe it to be disappointing, it can be argued that it is a long term negotiation tactic, which focuses on economic cooperation. Through analyzing the Japan Russia summits it can be seen that they have shifted from a positional bargaining strategy to a principled bargaining strategy, and how it gives a good possibility in solving the dispute.Show less
Business incubators (BIs) are considered to be popular tools to aid and accelerate the foundation of successful (technological) entrepreneurial companies. They typically support new start-up...Show moreBusiness incubators (BIs) are considered to be popular tools to aid and accelerate the foundation of successful (technological) entrepreneurial companies. They typically support new start-up ventures with the aim that these will develop themselves into self-sustaining and effective businesses. However, the divergence in theoretical perspectives on the nature of BIs causes literature to hold discrepant views on the number of BIs in Russia. Therefore, explaining the operations of Russian BIs will serve existing literature to indicate the actual density of BIs in the country in perspective to the theoretical lens employed. Possibly, this will give future research an indication of the actual influence of BIs on economic innovation in Russia. This thesis concludes that the current operations of business incubators in Russia are highly divergent as a result of substantial differences in services offered. Besides, the scope in which an organization can be identified as a business incubator in Russia seems to rather unlimited, which causes enormous differences in the perception of BIs within the country. The majority of BIs are no more than empty office spaces lacking even the most basic facilities. This raises the question if the stimulated growth of business incubators within the Russian Federation turned out to be failed project.Show less
Unlike the nineteenth century, the competition for power in Eurasia is increasingly fought between Russia and China. In turn, according to the prevailing neorealist discourse, these powers compete...Show moreUnlike the nineteenth century, the competition for power in Eurasia is increasingly fought between Russia and China. In turn, according to the prevailing neorealist discourse, these powers compete for security and economic influence in what is referred to as ‘the New Great Game’. In recent years, China is seen to increasingly tilt the balance of power from Moscow’s traditional sphere of influence towards Beijing – especially in the economic realm – with Russia attempting to retain its hegemonic position. Accordingly, a pressing question is what implications the spillover of this competition for hegemony in Central Asia has for Sino-Russian relations in the region’s most important multilateral organisation, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. In this thesis the above query is assessed by three schools of thought: limitationism, alarmism and normalism. In scholarly discourse limitationist and alarmist discourses have been prevalent, but not entirely convincing, discussing the implications of the New Great Game on the SCO leadership. They have generally emphasised (and polarised) either the cooperative or the competitive nature of Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia’s and the SCO’s New Great Game scenario respectively. Conversely, the framework on which this thesis’ explanation of the Sino-Russian relations in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation is based, is the altering balance of power, combined with dual cooperative and competitive Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia, as discerned by ‘normalists’. It can be concluded that analogous to their simultaneous converging and diverging interests in Central Asia at large, Sino-Russian relations in the SCO should be regarded as practical interrelations based on ‘complex reciprocity’ (Yu 2007, 79). They are a tacit compromise to, ultimately, let the SCO function as an satisfactory diplomatic forum where Moscow and Beijing can regulate the New Great Game: their relations in CA, China’s rise and Moscow’s traditional sphere of influence.Show less
After centuries of fierce resistance against Russian authority, Chechens have somehow stopped opposing the regime. Taking into account Chechnya’s past turbulent struggle for independence, the...Show moreAfter centuries of fierce resistance against Russian authority, Chechens have somehow stopped opposing the regime. Taking into account Chechnya’s past turbulent struggle for independence, the research question for this thesis is: Why have Chechens minimized their attempts to secede from Russia? The analysis uses a model of Sorens, based on the rational decision making of individuals, in order to uncover the current disincentives to secede for Chechen individuals. The analysis asserts that individuals need to be convinced of the benefits of independence, and need to believe that Chechnya could be a viable state on its own. The conclusion of this thesis is that there are a wide variety of considerations that have contributed to the demise of secessionism in Chechnya. The most important considerations are: firstly, that the economic and political costs of independence have come to outweigh the benefits; and secondly, that the costs of collective action have become too high due to the significant level of repression in Chechnya. This thesis aims to contribute to the existing academic literature on secessionism in general by showing that the concept is not as clear-cut as is often assumed, and that there are a wide variety of components that need to be taken into account.Show less
