The thesis seeks to provide an explanation regarding the decision of the European Union to impose economic sanctions against the Russian Federation, after the latter’s involvement in Ukraine with...Show moreThe thesis seeks to provide an explanation regarding the decision of the European Union to impose economic sanctions against the Russian Federation, after the latter’s involvement in Ukraine with the annexation of Crimea, by using a constructivist approach. The argument of this thesis for the constructivist interpretation of EU sanctions against Russia lies on the notions of EU Identity and EU Shared Values. The analysis of the purpose of the sanctions, their relation with the international legal order and the decision making process leading to their adoption, results in an interpretation that can be satisfactory under the constructivist approach. This approach is useful in order to explain EU’s imposition of economic sanctions against the Russian Federation as part of its broader foreign policy. Furthermore, by employing the method of Congruence Analysis the thesis draws inferences between normative predictions deriving from the given theory and empirical observations. Moreover, the argument of this thesis concludes that the special character of the EU, the notions of its Identity and Shared Values affected its collective decision to impose economic sanctions. Ultimately, the thesis renders the European Union to fit the constructivist assertions regarding the functions of the international system.Show less
This thesis explores the compounded effect of the three biggest changes in the the current global energy system on the Russian gas export market and strategy. The three changes identified are the...Show moreThis thesis explores the compounded effect of the three biggest changes in the the current global energy system on the Russian gas export market and strategy. The three changes identified are the globalization of the gas market, the rise of renewable energy sources and lower oil prices for longer. We argue that in light of these changes, the current strategy behind Russia's gas exports is no longer sustainable in terms of maintaining its position as a dominant player in the global gas market. However, if Russia were to alter its strategy, its market might yet benefit from the new status quo and ensure its dominant position for a long time to come.Show less
“Energy is the lifeblood of our society”. This is the opening phrase of the “Energy 2020, a strategy for sustainable, competitive and secure energy” as put forward by the European Commission in...Show more“Energy is the lifeblood of our society”. This is the opening phrase of the “Energy 2020, a strategy for sustainable, competitive and secure energy” as put forward by the European Commission in 2010. Despite the significance of energy, a collective E.U energy policy does not have a long history. A common E.U energy policy started in 2006 when it became understood that a common energy policy was needed to face the challenges that appeared in the beginning of the 21st century. These were higher prices and lower indigenous production, a growing assertiveness of producing countries and competition for resources with the newly emerging economies of China and India. The internal energy policy was based on the idea that liberal and integrated markets would lead to energy security. The external aspect of the energy policy was to promote its internal market regulations and create a common regulatory space with countries beyond its borders. This thesis will try to answer the question of whether or not the Energy Union created in 2015 mark a paradigm shift to E.U’s approach to external energy relations and how that has affected its relations with Russia, its most important supplierShow less
Although, as a region, the Western Balkans are often misunderstood, they have on several occasions taken the world’s attention and in fact been central to key international developments. While...Show moreAlthough, as a region, the Western Balkans are often misunderstood, they have on several occasions taken the world’s attention and in fact been central to key international developments. While often ignored when it comes to global media attention, as of recent the region has become increasingly relevant in light of geopolitical developments resulting from increasing rivalry between Russia and the European Union. Struggling to proceed with democratization, Western Balkans remain an extremely fragile and volatile region, making it susceptible to external influence. The research focuses on how the foreign influence of Russia in the Western Balkans as a ‘disruptive actor’ have played into domestic factors, such as ethnicity and nationalism, and how it has managed to affect the region’s process of democratization. Within the Western Balkans nationalism has served both as a force of unification and of conflict, and as such plays an important role in the regions’ geopolitical developments. Research surrounds the three cases of Montenegro, Macedonia (FYR), and Republika Srpska, one of two entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina: states each representing an ethnic division. While it cannot be argued that Russia is seeking to influence Western Balkan states at the cost of regional stability, it will argue that the increasing security threat posed to its own national interests by NATO and the EU have been the primary motivation for bolstering its efforts in the region. Fueled by the pronounced ‘fatigue’ of EU-enlargement, a window of opportunity has been opened in which it has increasingly exploited its favorable position with the Slavic and Eastern Orthodox communities of the Western Balkans.Show less
This thesis compares the EU’s discourse on its energy relations with Russia prior to the Ukraine crisis and after it. The discourse analysis is embedded in a Constructivist framework and focuses on...Show moreThis thesis compares the EU’s discourse on its energy relations with Russia prior to the Ukraine crisis and after it. The discourse analysis is embedded in a Constructivist framework and focuses on the question whether continuities and discontinuities in the discourse indicate a successful or deficient construction of EU-Russian energy relations by the EU. This analysis shows that even though there are discontinuities between the two periods, these do not indicate a major failure in developing a suitable energy strategy. This evaluation is based on the result that the discontinuities found only represent shifts in the emphases on different elements of the discourse. The early discourse therefore already included most of the strategic elements that became necessary to deal properly with Russia and to ensure the EU’s energy security once the Crisis broke out.Show less
The Dutch and Russian governments are not clear on what the deterioration in relations since 2014 means and how the relations changed. This study examines how relations have developed over the...Show moreThe Dutch and Russian governments are not clear on what the deterioration in relations since 2014 means and how the relations changed. This study examines how relations have developed over the period 2013-2015, as reflected in both the phraseology used and topics discussed in the published communiqués. It gives a detailed account of the developments in relations, looking at separate topics and the general trend in relations. In order to analyse the separate issues and the general trend, each communiqué and its issues are analysed and are allocated a value. The values range from ‘-2’ (very negative) to ‘+2’ (very positive). The value assesses how both countries talk about each other. It is assessed as being ‘positive’ when it contributes to building a constructive partnership and ‘negative’ when it damages such a partnership. The study concludes that the different issues of the Russian-Dutch relations developed separately from each other, but the general trend was that the statements on each other deteriorated after Crimea’s incorporation and the downing of MH17. These two events resulted in more negative communications on each other, because the Netherlands increasingly saw Russia as a threat to the EU’s neighbourhood and its own security, and therefore the focus returned to the primary national interest to ensure the safety of the state and its citizens.Show less
This thesis approaches the founding fathers of the Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU) through liberal intergovernmentalism, a theory of regional integration originally used to analyse European...Show moreThis thesis approaches the founding fathers of the Eurasian Economic Union (EaEU) through liberal intergovernmentalism, a theory of regional integration originally used to analyse European integration. The aim of this thesis is to show how this theory can help answering the question as to why the founding members of the EaEU chose to establish this union. This thesis focuses on the national preferences of the three founding members, as well as their effectiveness during interstate bargaining negotiations. By doing so, this thesis adds its own conclusions to the ongoing discussion regarding the nature of the EaEU.Show less
An examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with...Show moreAn examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with increased authoritarianism since the 2011/2012 protests.Show less
After the collapse of the Soviet Union the western world had high hopes for the development of civil society in the newly independent states. A vast variety of western NGOs began to emerge. However...Show moreAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union the western world had high hopes for the development of civil society in the newly independent states. A vast variety of western NGOs began to emerge. However, seeing as a variety of former Soviet states have developed into increasingly autocratic states, the development of civil society in general, and in particular the effectiveness of western-funded NGOs has been criticised. However, scholars such as Fröhlich have put forward patterns as to when western funded NGOs can act effectively on the ground. This paper examines the effectiveness of the multinational environmental NGO WWF in Russia. It argues that the Russian government is willing to cooperate with internationally funded NGOs, as long as their programmes do not threaten the status quo of the governmental structures and political system in place.Show less
This thesis argues that the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Ukraine president Petro Poroshenko have so far justified their territorial claims to Crimea in strikingly similar ways. Through a...Show moreThis thesis argues that the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Ukraine president Petro Poroshenko have so far justified their territorial claims to Crimea in strikingly similar ways. Through a qualitative and quantitative content analysis of each president's key speeches, this study finds that both presidents emphasise national-historical arguments when addressing a domestic audience and normative arguments when addressing an international audience, but that both presidents weave the two types of arguments together to create an overall narrative. When compared against each other, this study also finds that Putin uses the most national-historical arguments while Poroshenko uses the most normative arguments. Several conclusions are drawn from these findings, including that the plethora of possible legitimation strategies make positions in a conflict relatively easy to justify, that the Crimea conflict is likely to be intractable, and that more research should be conducted on legitimation strategies in territorial disputes.Show less
