This paper aims to analyse the democratic potential of the internet and the ways in which the Russian pro-government disinformation campaign is used to limit this potential by conducting...Show moreThis paper aims to analyse the democratic potential of the internet and the ways in which the Russian pro-government disinformation campaign is used to limit this potential by conducting exploratory research on Russia as a single case study. Firstly, Russia’s disinformation campaign is analysed on its own. Secondly, the paper causally connects this disinformation campaign to the internet’s potential to consolidate democracy, primarily as a new free medium for information. In doing so, the paper makes use of two theories, inoculation theory and network theory, as underlying mechanisms for its analysis. It is argued that a negative relation can be observed between the internet’s potential to consolidate democratic developments through free and truthful information and Russia’s disinformation campaign. As this paper remains primarily theoretical in its analysis, further research is advised to determine how this relation has manifested in Russian society and what practical implications can be observed.Show less
The main finding of this master thesis is that Russian state-controlled media communicated Russia’s 2018 pension reform through a pattern of media frames aimed to explain the reform as the only...Show moreThe main finding of this master thesis is that Russian state-controlled media communicated Russia’s 2018 pension reform through a pattern of media frames aimed to explain the reform as the only reasonable solution to a problem. This thesis has used three framing analysis theories that highlight from different perspectives how the 2018 pension reform was framed on Perviy Kanal, the largest Russian news channel. The first chapter of this thesis is a literature review of (media) framing research. Framing research is a popular and multifaceted topic in the field of (political) communication. A preliminary concept of framing could refer to how media uses selection and salience to influence human consciousness and shape public opinion (Entman, 1993, 2004). The second chapter elaborates on the contemporary mass media environment in Russia and specifically focusses on framing in Russian mass media. The last chapter discusses the results of this thesis’ empirical research based on the concept of media framing and against the background of earlier research about how mass media is employed in Russia. The primary research discusses Russian news broadcasting reports that cover topics on, or related to, the pension reform in Russia from 14 June 2018 until 14 January 2019.Show less
The debate on the EU and the various aspects of its enlargement process is a topic which has been viewed through various approaches; however no specific theory is capable of encompassing and...Show moreThe debate on the EU and the various aspects of its enlargement process is a topic which has been viewed through various approaches; however no specific theory is capable of encompassing and explaining the EU, its behavior, position, actions and role in the international political scene in the entirety of its complexity. In this regard Kenneth Waltz stated that “If we gather more and more data and establish more and more associations, however, we will not finally find that we know something” (Waltz, 2010, p.4). Therefore, continuously piling up new data does not contribute to our understanding and it brings us to finding new approaches and methods. In this sense, this research tries to paint a clearer and wider picture of the EU and its process through some of the core/basic principles of realism. Namely the process of EU enlargement is influenced by numerous factors; this thesis however, is focused specifically on the concept of threat perception as an important external factor which influences decisions in regards to EU enlargement. Stephen Walt, through his Threat Perception Theory (TPT), has not only provided a systematic way to introduce the concept of threat perception in the overarching theory of realism, but has also through the 4 categories, provided us with a tool to determine the concrete evaluation of a threat. In this thesis, that evaluation is applied to the example of Russia and how it is perceived from the EU standpoint. Walt has defined these four categories in such a way that they are not only applicable to the evaluation of threat that comes from certain actors (states), but they also provide room for analyzing specific aspects of their policies. This thesis utilizes this applicability of Walt’s TPT and uses it to also analyze the threat coming from Russian natural gas/energy politics. Due to the fact that threat, as a wider concept, is irrefutably connected to the concepts of survival and power, this thesis will also tackle the topic through the prism of these two primary concepts of realism. When it comes to power it will more notably focus on the works of Tom Casier (2018) and the notions of positive and negative compulsory power. Where this research deviates from the (often dogmatic) principles of the realist theories is the claim that states are the unitary actors on the international scene. This thesis views, and proves, that the EU is a sui generis actor capable of creating and achieving its foreign policy goals. Thus the aforementioned concepts which are generally attributed to states in realist theories, in this research are applied to the European Union.Show less
Russia has increased its presence in the Arctic. This thesis will argue that this happened due to climate change and economic opportunities, as well as the new security risks that these bring, but...Show moreRussia has increased its presence in the Arctic. This thesis will argue that this happened due to climate change and economic opportunities, as well as the new security risks that these bring, but above all due to Russia’s connection to the notion of power. With the help of revisionism and neo-revisionism, this thesis will explain why Russia is present in the Arctic in the way that it is, and why its behaviour is seemingly ambiguous and sometimes even conflicting.Show less
Although the USSR often claimed to promote equality in relations with other peoples, this has frequently been shown to be untrue. Specifically, in the case of the USSR's relationship with the...Show moreAlthough the USSR often claimed to promote equality in relations with other peoples, this has frequently been shown to be untrue. Specifically, in the case of the USSR's relationship with the Caucasus through the use of Orientalist tropes. So, using Edward Said's theoretical framework of Orientalism, the question "How have constructions of Orientalist discourses of the Caucasus changed from the Soviet Union to the Russian Federation?" was investigated in the context of Leonid Gaidai's 1967 film "Kidnapping, Caucasian Style" and Alexei Uchitel's 2008 film "Captive". These constructions have primarily changed along 5 Orientalist tropes. First, tropes of 'backwardness' have remained, though they have shifted from a focus on lack of modern technologies and customs to tropes of either a disorganized band of people in some cases or a militant and violent group in others. Second, representations of alcoholism, as a means of showing a lack of faith in Islam as well as an overly textual approach to understanding it, have remained largely unchanged over time. Third, portrayals of the Caucasus as a feminized "Other" have changed over time. Although feminine aspects have remained as justifying Soviet and Russian intervention in the region. Fourth, the exotic aspect of the Caucasus, though very present in Soviet portrayals, has largely faded from Russian Orientalist representations. Finally, Soviet and, especially, Russian Orientalism portray the Caucasus as being in a state of nature, as a wild and mysterious land that is inherently hostile to Russians. Thus, although constructions of Orientalist discourse have changed in some aspects and remained similar in others, their use as a means of justifying Soviet and Russian presence remains strongly similar and Orientalist.Show less
The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has redirected the attention of scholars and political analysts towards the often-forgotten frozen conflicts, now, consolidated into functioning de facto states in...Show moreThe ongoing conflict in Ukraine has redirected the attention of scholars and political analysts towards the often-forgotten frozen conflicts, now, consolidated into functioning de facto states in the Post-Soviet region. The recent opening of the official diplomatic representation of Transnistria in Moscow has sparked a series of questions regarding the intentions of the de facto state and its patron, Russia. While other de facto states, such as Abkhazia and South Ossetia have been recognised and have established official diplomatic missions in Moscow since 2008, the PMR is only taking these steps now. These developments point to a new chapter for Transnistria and raise questions regarding the statehood of the de facto state. This thesis seeks to uncover the overarching mechanisms which foster the development of de facto statehood. Considering the ‘renewal’ of negotiations in the ‘5+2’ format and the declared progress made in in terms of the ‘policy of small steps’ in Transnistria, this is a good place to start. Hence, this thesis aims to explore the causal link between peace processes and de facto statehood.Show less
This thesis aims to assess the effectiveness of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in protecting Human Rights in Russia, specifically in Chechnya. The thesis investigates Russia’s compliance...Show moreThis thesis aims to assess the effectiveness of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in protecting Human Rights in Russia, specifically in Chechnya. The thesis investigates Russia’s compliance to the Council of Europe’s regulatory criteria. Therefore, it first focuses on analysing the literature on the Council of Europe, the ECHR and Russia. After which, the thesis considers the different theories of compliance and how Russian power can be qualified. Next, it looks in detail to the Chechen case. It is a particularly extreme case for Human Rights violation. In Chechnya, there are frequent cases of Human Rights violations, such as abduction, torture, and killings. One recent example is the gay purges, showing the precarious situation of homosexuals who are subject to violence.Show less
This dissertation provides a new light on the role of the Russian Federation in the Eurasian Economic Union’s (EEU) formation and its economic integration. It looks and assesses the level of...Show moreThis dissertation provides a new light on the role of the Russian Federation in the Eurasian Economic Union’s (EEU) formation and its economic integration. It looks and assesses the level of current integration of the EEU as well as its prospects, epitomized by Russia’s willingness to push for a monetary union. To do so, the Data Analysis section investigates both current and prospects of Russia’s economic integration with the EEU. In sum, the analysis results reveal Russia’s economic motivation towards increasing its further integration with the Eurasian Economic Union. Further remarks point to data limitation and potential future research on the matter.Show less
This thesis focuses on the development of entrepreneurship and SME sector in the post-Soviet Russia. More specifically, it investigates the root-cause of stagnant development of entrepreneurship....Show moreThis thesis focuses on the development of entrepreneurship and SME sector in the post-Soviet Russia. More specifically, it investigates the root-cause of stagnant development of entrepreneurship. Convinced that the answer lies in the legacy of the 1990s crisis period, the thesis poses the following question: To what extent is the legacy of formal and informal constraints to businesses in the 1990s impacting the development of entrepreneurship and SME sector in contemporary Russia? As such, the goal of the thesis is to set a clear diagnosis that will provide a framework with strong foundations for future researchers, thereby aiding them in tackling the problem from the root. For that reason, a new hybrid framework is developed, which looks at structural (top-down) and ideational (bottom-up) factors. Based on the findings, Russia currently does not have a political, economic and socio-cultural structure in which entrepreneurship is in high demand. Statist-patrimonial capitalism, thriving corruption, unfavorable credit conditions, bureaucratic and administrative barriers still pose major problems for small and medium businesses. The overarching culture of informality as an accelerator for achieving goals, low entrepreneurial intentions and deteriorated entrepreneurs’ trust in the state are other survivors of the 1990s transition. Many practices have thus, survived the turbulent transition or have evolved from it. However, the essence has remained the same, which keeps the 1990s legacy alive and the vicious circle turning, thereby leaving entrepreneurship and SME stuck in development. Unless the problem of stalemate in development is tackled from the core on the political, economic and the socio-cultural fronts, it is not likely that major advancements will be made in building a strong entrepreneurial Russia with a large and dynamic SME sector.Show less
The legislative changes of the past two decades have been influencing the civil society in the Russian Federation. The most recent laws led to stigmatisation and problems in regard to funding and...Show moreThe legislative changes of the past two decades have been influencing the civil society in the Russian Federation. The most recent laws led to stigmatisation and problems in regard to funding and cross-sectoral cooperation between organisations. To what extent an NGO working in Russia benefits from or suffers under the laws, differs from the work field of the NGO. While the Russian authorities support many ‘socially useful’ NGOs with grants and cooperation, organisations focusing on human and environmental rights experience the more negative consequences of the laws and encounter difficulties to receive (financial) support. This thesis discusses which strategies Russian organisations use to counter the “crackdown” on the civil society. The research focuses on the case of Memorial Human Rights Center (Memorial HRC). Memorial HRC is a leading human rights organisation and one of the oldest civil rights organisations in Russia. The thesis provides an overview of the situation for Memorial HRC, and which protection and survival strategies the organisation uses to secure its future.Show less
The Russian counterinsurgency campaign in Chechnya from late 1999 has been typical for the authoritarian model of counterinsurgency and demonstrates the authoritarian inclinations and mindset of...Show moreThe Russian counterinsurgency campaign in Chechnya from late 1999 has been typical for the authoritarian model of counterinsurgency and demonstrates the authoritarian inclinations and mindset of the Putin regime. Instead of increasing government legitimacy, winning the Chechen population's 'hearts and minds' and in this way realising a durable solution to the Chechen conflict, the Putin administration relied mainly on at first mostly indiscriminate and later more selective violence and repression, for which it relied on an indigenous counterinsurgency force under the command of the Kadyrovs, in order to coerce the Chechens in compliance. At the same time, the Putin administration placed a lot of effort in preventing the national will to continue fighting in Chechnya from eroding by making the Chechen conflict invisible, creating the impression of normalisation and reducing Russian casualties. To this end, the Kremlin tried to reduce the freedom of the press and bring the media and civil society, which it viewed as a threat to its war effort, under its control, while at the same time it increasingly came to rely on its Chechen proxies, who in the mid-2000s took over the brunt of the counterinsurgency operations from the Russian military. Thus, although the Putin regime in the early 2000s was still regarded as a 'hybrid' or 'transitional' regime, the Russian counterinsurgency campaign in Chechnya from late 1999 demonstrates that Putin and the members of his inner circle from the start viewed democracy, free media and a strong and vibrant civil society as threats to their ability to govern, their war effort in Chechnya and their own positions.Show less
