On the 24th of February 2022, Russia undertook the largest land invasion into a sovereign state since World War II. The unprecedented move was met with a swift deployment of economic tools to deter...Show moreOn the 24th of February 2022, Russia undertook the largest land invasion into a sovereign state since World War II. The unprecedented move was met with a swift deployment of economic tools to deter the invasion and increase Russia’s costs of sustaining the military effort in the long term. As a result of this economic warfare between Russia and the Global North, sovereign assets of more than 300 Billion US Dollars belonging to the Russian Central Bank (RCB) have been frozen. This constituted the largest seizure of sovereign assets since World War II. As of June 2024, calls in the United States and the European Union to use the RCB assets for Ukraine’s military and humanitarian efforts have only been amplifying. These voices neglect international legal perspectives- specifically from the Global South- which highlight the discourses on sovereign immunity and countermeasures. These voices probe the following questions: What do the RCB sanctions mean for the existing sovereign immunity regime? What is the validity of the countermeasures doctrine with regards to the RCB? And most importantly, what do such measures mean for Western financial hegemony? This thesis encapsulates all these legal discourses by asking the question: What is the legality of the Global North states’ sanctions against the Russian Central Bank?Show less
This thesis examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on transatlantic relations through a neoclassical realist perspective. It tests the hypothesis that the sustained conflict would...Show moreThis thesis examines the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on transatlantic relations through a neoclassical realist perspective. It tests the hypothesis that the sustained conflict would foster nationalist and regionalist sentiment, leading to continued divergence in the transatlantic alliance. The paper does this by employing a holistic grading method to analyze nationalist and European regionalist rhetoric in speeches from key Western leaders, specifically French President Emmanuel Macron, American President Joe Biden, and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz. Contrary to initial expectations, the findings indicate that nationalist and European regionalist sentiments have not significantly increased among these leaders. Consequently, the US-EU relationship remains on a convergent path, suggesting resilience in the liberal international order.Show less
This research investigates the continuity of European Union (EU) sanctions against Russia in the aftermath of the 2014 Crimea annexation, highlighting the diversity of member state attitudes...Show moreThis research investigates the continuity of European Union (EU) sanctions against Russia in the aftermath of the 2014 Crimea annexation, highlighting the diversity of member state attitudes towards Russia. The research question that will be answered is: How does the interaction between domestic- and EU-level, within both conciliatory and hardline member states, influence the continuity of EU sanctions against Russia? Putnam's two-level game theory is employed, providing a framework to analyze the interaction between domestic political considerations and international negotiations. This study formulates two hypotheses: Hypothesis 1 posits that dissatisfaction with a larger sanction package among hardline states facilitates agreement in the European Council, and Hypothesis 2 suggests that satisfaction with a larger sanction package among conciliatory states similarly facilitates agreement. A qualitative comparative analysis between Hungary and Poland tests these hypotheses. It utilizes national policy papers, position tracing through secondary literature, and public opinion polls to examine the rationale behind each country's approach, the satisfaction among political leaders, public opinion, and business elites on the EU sanction package against Russia. The analysis finds evidence in support of both hypotheses, demonstrating the ways in which the domestic public can influence negotiations within the European Council, particularly concerning sanctions against Russia.Show less
This thesis addresses the gap in post-truth war literature by examining victim representation in post-truth wars, focusing on how photography is used to weaponize victims to support a narrative...Show moreThis thesis addresses the gap in post-truth war literature by examining victim representation in post-truth wars, focusing on how photography is used to weaponize victims to support a narrative that can be either helpful or damaging to their cause. It analyzes Russian propaganda supporting Assad’s regime surrounding the Syrian chemical attacks (2013, 2017, 2018). The analysis draws from the field of victimology and critiques of violent photography. Findings reveal photography's dual role in hybrid conflicts: manipulating evidence and empowering audiences to challenge narratives and advocate for justice. This is crucial in the context of increasing hybrid conflicts and citizen-journalism.Show less
This thesis analyses the legal evolution of the institutions of arbitrazh court and private arbitration in Russia from the perspective of legal memetics and political theory of sistema.
The Zeitenwende has come with major developments in world order. Along with that, the image of global powers has changed. Media play a huge role in shaping the perceived identities of these actors....Show moreThe Zeitenwende has come with major developments in world order. Along with that, the image of global powers has changed. Media play a huge role in shaping the perceived identities of these actors. This thesis delves into the presentation of Russia and the European Union (EU) on the basis of the European sanctions against Russia since the invasion of Ukraine. It aims to answer the following research question: how do contemporary German and Russian media discourses on the EU sanctions frame the identity of the EU compared to Russia? Russian and German media are compared to provide insights into the way the identity of Russia and the EU are created in opposition to each other. As the media paint a picture of Russia and the EU as global actors, they rely on the interpretation of political events and foreign policy decisions, such as the implementation of sanctions. A mixed-methods approach of a quantitative content analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis reveals that the sanctions are appropriated to contribute to the dominant narrative in both Russia and the EU. In particular, Russian media create an image of Russia as smart and strong by othering the EU as stupid and irresponsible. In this light, the sanctions are casted as meaningless political activity. Meanwhile in the German media, the identity of the EU as capable actor is contingent on the impact of sanctions on Russia. Since the media contain a debate on the effectiveness on the sanctions, major disruptions of the Russian economy reflect a competent actor. Alternatively, when the effect of the sanctions is evaluated negatively the identity of the EU as capable is weakened. Furthermore, both the Russian and German media utilise legitimisation strategies to strengthen their narrative. First, the Russian media rely on authorisation to depict Russia as resilient actor. By referring to comments made by experts, it is stated that the Russian economy is not harmed by the sanctions. On the contrary, it is maintained that the sanctions damage the EU economy more. This way, it is emphasised that the EU is an irresponsible actor. Second, the German media employ rationalisation strategies to create an image of the EU as defensive actor. This means that the EU response is justified by providing a reason, in this case the attempt to contain Russia’s aggressive behaviour. Therefore, German media frame the EU as a capable actor with a set of instruments at its disposal to influence Russia. All in all, this thesis demonstrates that the identities of Russia and the EU are evolving in opposite directions.Show less
Between 2005 and the large scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the orange and black ribbon of St George has become one of the most widely recognized symbols of the Putin regime and its military...Show moreBetween 2005 and the large scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the orange and black ribbon of St George has become one of the most widely recognized symbols of the Putin regime and its military ambitions outside of Russia’s borders. Together with the ‘Z’ and ‘V’ it is probably the most recognizable symbol of the pro-Russian side in the Ukrainian war and of pro-Kremlin elements inside of Russia. In some ways it may seem strange that the ribbon has become so closely associated with the current war in Ukraine because its present popularity in Russia began with a campaign launched in 2005 that used the ribbon to commemorate the Soviet victory in WWII. After the launch of that campaign, people in Russia started wearing the ribbon on their lapels around the May 9th commemorations of the ‘Great Patriotic War’ in a way that is somewhat reminiscent of the ‘poppies’ distributed each year by the Royal British Legion in the United Kingdom. However, quite unlike the British poppies, the meaning ascribed to the ribbon of St George quickly went beyond mere commemoration of victory in the Great Patriotic War and quickly took on a wider significance encompassing not only pride in the past but also a particular understanding of Russian nationhood and Russia’s current place in the world, one that closely aligned with the Putin regime’s ambitions on the world stage. The question I will try to answer in this study is how views and interpretations of the St George ribbon’s meaning evolved- inside and outside of Russia- in English language media outlets, whose coverage focused on events in Russia and Ukraine between, 2005 and 2022.Show less
Executive master thesis | International Relations and Diplomacy (MSc)
open access
Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Europe (and beyond) has adopted its foreign policy which meant for many countries providing military support to Ukraine and/ or agreeing to...Show moreFollowing Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Europe (and beyond) has adopted its foreign policy which meant for many countries providing military support to Ukraine and/ or agreeing to harsh economic sanctions against Russia. However, the German case is special: Due to historical reasons and – at the latest since 1990 – the expansion of political and economic networks, Germany has been heavily involved in EU-Russia relations and became Russia’s most important partner in Brussels. Against this background, this thesis attempts to answer the following question: Why did a major foreign policy change in Germany only happen in 2022 after the Russian invasion of Ukraine – and not already in 2014 after the Russian annexation of Crimea? This is done by performing a comparative case study and applying process tracing for the years 2014 and 2022 – enrichened by extensive interview research in Berlin with senior MFA officials, MPs specialised in foreign policy as well as with journalists. This thesis finds that in both years an exogenous political shock triggered the change process – but with a different scope. That is best explained by the reprioritisation and (partly) neglection of core pillars of German foreign policy – Ostpolitik, Wandel durch Handel, Westbindung, non-military foreign policy and historical responsibility – that occurred from 2014 to 2022.Show less
De focus van dit onderzoek is gericht op de ontwikkeling van de verhouding tussen Bogdanov en de bolsjewistische beweging na 1909. Deze verhouding toonde hoofdzakelijk een vast patroon van continue...Show moreDe focus van dit onderzoek is gericht op de ontwikkeling van de verhouding tussen Bogdanov en de bolsjewistische beweging na 1909. Deze verhouding toonde hoofdzakelijk een vast patroon van continue spanning. De Oktoberrevolutie van 1917 was het belangrijkste moment in deze verhouding, doordat deze gebeurtenis leidde tot een verdere opbouw van spanning. Verder is in dit onderzoek aangetoond dat het buitenspel zetten van Bogdanov uit de politieke arena van grote impact is geweest op de ontwikkeling van de bestuurscultuur van de bolsjewistische beweging. Bogdanovs ideeën bleven in de jaren 1920 van invloed op meerdere Sovjetpolitici, maar werden hierna van minder belang door toenemende censuur.Show less
This research aims to improve our understanding of the decision-making processes within the European Union (EU) concerning sanctions imposed on Russia following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine....Show moreThis research aims to improve our understanding of the decision-making processes within the European Union (EU) concerning sanctions imposed on Russia following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Through the implementation of a comprehensive framework, this research enables a thorough examination of the selection process for specific types of sanctions, their application across various sectors, and the consideration of exceptions. The study expands upon existing literature by integrating feedback effects into the framework, alongside normative, domestic political, and geopolitical factors, as well as diffusion effects. The findings underscore the significant influence of normative and geopolitical considerations, while also highlighting the constraints imposed by humanitarian and economic concerns. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a dynamic sanctions regime shaped by feedback mechanisms and evolving geopolitical dynamics. By providing a solid foundation, this study paves the way for future research efforts on sanction design. It enables comparisons with other entities that impose sanctions and facilitates the evaluation of diverse sanctioning instruments in terms of their effectiveness.Show less
While the 2014 annexation of Crimea was a complete success for Russia, Russia’s involvement in the Donbas conflict only a month later proved a failure despite the use of similar tactics. Previous...Show moreWhile the 2014 annexation of Crimea was a complete success for Russia, Russia’s involvement in the Donbas conflict only a month later proved a failure despite the use of similar tactics. Previous academic discourse has alluded to these kinds of tactics, here presented as ‘ambiguous warfare’ operations, being implemented in future conflicts. Yet, little attention has been awarded to which factors facilitate successful implementations of ambiguous warfare. The case study presented in this research has set out to determine if the conditions that facilitated ambiguous warfare’s success in Crimea were present in the Donbas. It is additionally explored which differences in the two operations denied Russia a favourable outcome in the Donbas. Results show that four out of six success conditions for ambiguous warfare were not present in the Donbas. Additionally, ambiguous warfare in the Donbas was hindered by ill-suited strategic goals for such operations and insufficient planning. The findings suggest that favorable conditions for ambiguous warfare rarely occur, with the Donbas conflict producing no lasting success for Russia. Yet, states should increase their resilience against ambiguous warfare threats, as such operations may remain appealing options for Russia. This research paper complements the academic understanding of ambiguous warfare.Show less
This thesis sought to explore factors resulting in EU foreign policy reform through Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework. Using the literature on EU foreign policy change and the EU’s sanctions...Show moreThis thesis sought to explore factors resulting in EU foreign policy reform through Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework. Using the literature on EU foreign policy change and the EU’s sanctions policy as a fundamental basis, the expectations were that framing in a particular way would result in EU foreign policy reform, that policy entrepreneurs contributed to EU foreign policy reform, and that think tanks and swings of European mood contributed to EU foreign policy reform. Within this thesis, the imposition of sanctions against Russia represents the policy reform and window of opportunity through which policy reform can be realized. The cases of the annexations of Crimea and four Ukrainian regions were selected. To identify the factors at play, European news outlets, EU policy documents and meeting results, think tank reports and opinion polls have been consulted. The results revealed that policy entrepreneurs within the policy stream were responsible for the imposition of sanctions, despite continuous expression of dissatisfaction and use of the window of opportunity by think tanks. The discoveries within this thesis offer insights into the significant influence of factors found in the Multiple Streams Framework, contributing to existing literature on policymaking and opening avenues for further research.Show less
The war between Russia and Ukraine that started in 2022 came as a shock to most of the world. While the war is still in progress, attempts to prosecute the aggressor have already been set in motion...Show moreThe war between Russia and Ukraine that started in 2022 came as a shock to most of the world. While the war is still in progress, attempts to prosecute the aggressor have already been set in motion. The crime of aggression, which refers to Russia initiating the war, currently falls outside of the prosecuting options within international law. Therefore, the idea was created to set up an ad-hoc criminal tribunal to prosecute Russia’s high officials for starting the war. This thesis examines the factors that influenced the Dutch government’s offer to host a potential criminal tribunal to hold Russia accountable for the crime of aggression. Government documents, policy reports and literature on the interplay between international law and international relations were analysed and provided a basis for the semistructured interviews. The interviews with government officials and professors in international law and foreign policy show that there are multiple factors that influenced this offer. It was found there is a strong relationship between the history of the Netherlands and the foreign policy identity that exists today. The focus on accountability and the fight against impunity strongly influenced the Netherlands’ commitment to aiding the international community, by focussing on their specialty: hosting an international tribunal. The most important factor that could be identified which influenced the offer is the aspiration of the Netherlands to project a foreign policy identity that is linked to hosting international tribunals.Show less
