Over the last two decades, Muslim communities have been confronted with prejudice and hostility as an effect of the War on Terror and the narrative that Islam is synonymous with terrorism and...Show moreOver the last two decades, Muslim communities have been confronted with prejudice and hostility as an effect of the War on Terror and the narrative that Islam is synonymous with terrorism and violence. Instead of viewing radicalisation as a process involving deep-rooted societal issues such as discrimination and social exclusion, a disproportionate focus is put on the ideological push factor that is Islam to understand and combat radicalisation. This article examines the degree to which Islamophobia has been present in Dutch policies on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) through discourse analysis. Previous research examined the effects of elements of Islamophobia being present in governmental discourse on the Muslim communities, but there showed to be a gap in the research on how this anti-Muslim sentiment is reflected and can be recognized in governmental texts. Ten Terrorist Threat Assessment Reports that were published in the early stages of the War on Terror were compared with the ten most recent reports based on the framework of elements of a closed and open view of Islam as established by the Runnymede Trust in 1997. The analysis reveals that elements of Islamophobia have been present ever since the War on Terror in the form of constructing Muslims as the enemy and overgeneralising various factions within Islam, but have seen an increase in recent years, leading current reports to reinforce Islamophobic sentiment. This research allows for elements of Islamophobia in government texts to be recognized and confronted.Show less
The objective of this research is to analyze the terms "salafism" and "wahhabism" in modern Russia. The question could be formulated thus: What does "salafism" and "wahhabism" mean to politicians,...Show moreThe objective of this research is to analyze the terms "salafism" and "wahhabism" in modern Russia. The question could be formulated thus: What does "salafism" and "wahhabism" mean to politicians, academics, and official Muslim clergy in Russia; How did their understanding/perception evolve in the recent history?Show less
Within the Dutch liberal democracy, a political as well as fundamental tension can be felt between the liberal democracy and Islam. One of the legal examples that can be offered in relation to the...Show moreWithin the Dutch liberal democracy, a political as well as fundamental tension can be felt between the liberal democracy and Islam. One of the legal examples that can be offered in relation to the tension between the liberal democracy and Islam, is the “Temporary Law on Counterterrorism Administrative Measures". This temporary law was put into place in order to fight threats of (Muslim) terrorism, by making it possible to (among other administrative measures) restrict the freedom of movement of a person through an area ban and / or travel ban based on the possible threat they can become, given their religious beliefs and actions (the fear of radicalisation). The question is where to draw the line between protecting society in relation to national security and restricting one’s freedom, based on religious beliefs that go against (some of) the principles of the liberal democracy. The main question of this thesis will therefore be the following: Is it justified for a liberal democracy to enforce administrative sanctions upon its citizens, based on their religious identity? In discussing the place of religion (and religious identity) within the liberal democracy, I will focus on four different approaches: the communitarian consensus, state neutrality, the human nature approach and the overlapping consensus approach. I will argue that none of these approaches offer a justified answer to how Salafi citizens can coexist peacefully with others while living according to the principles of liberal democracy. I will argue, however, that the inability of the Salafi identity to coexist with the ideals of the liberal democracy, does not necessarily justify state interference (by enforcing sanctions upon the Salafi citizens). It is important to look at the actions that follow from ones identity, in order to judge if state interference is justified. Following the three groups identified by Wiktorowicz in his “Anatomy of the Salafi Movement”, I will argue that the state is not allowed to act against purists, the state can use administrative measures to restrict politicos and is allowed to use both administrative as well as criminal measures against jihadis.Show less
In order to add to the academic and societal debate on Salafism, this thesis will approach the topic of Salafism in the Netherlands from both a philosophical and a political perspective through the...Show moreIn order to add to the academic and societal debate on Salafism, this thesis will approach the topic of Salafism in the Netherlands from both a philosophical and a political perspective through the question “To what extent are Salafi’s rejecting Dutch Enlightenment ideals and does this weaken these ideals in society?”. Instead of focusing on the possible jihadi/terrorist threat Salafism might pose, like most previous research on European Salafism, the stances of Salafi’s on Dutch society will be analysed, and what effect this has on society. This will be done through researching the representation of Enlightenment values in Dutch political manifesto’s before and after the rise of Salafism in the Netherlands.. The thesis concludes that Salafism is a largely diverse group which rejects Enlightenment values to various degrees. Furthermore it concludes that Salafism has strengthened these Enlightenment ideals in the Netherlands, as the political manifesto’s represent Enlightenment values in a much stronger manner after the rise of Dutch Salafism.Show less
The importance of religious world views cannot be understated for contemporary events in the Middle East; Religious Ideology remains a powerful mobilizer. The “Salafi” variation of Islam spans a...Show moreThe importance of religious world views cannot be understated for contemporary events in the Middle East; Religious Ideology remains a powerful mobilizer. The “Salafi” variation of Islam spans a politically quietist majority, few politically active individuals and groups, and of course politically violent and terrorist groups. The country most associated with the Salafi interpretation of Islam is the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the homeland of the Wahhabi movement. This paper examines the extent to which the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is involved in the spread of Salafism, as well as the consequences thereof. I argue that propagating Salafism has definitely been a part of the kingdom’s foreign policy, and that the internal environment of the kingdom is conducive to significant non-state support. Regarding consequences, violent strands of Salafism have been paradoxically useful but also most damaging. On the other hand, while domestic apolitical variations could be used for internal stability external apolitical Salafis could potentially be mobilized. Finally, politically active Salafis would be a nuance internally and not of much use externally. Importantly, transnational Salafism has proven uncontrollable and unreliable. It could backfire violently, and it can lead to tension and polarization within and across societies.Show less
