Since 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of...Show moreSince 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of many states in the region took to the streets in attempting to embark on a process that would democratize their nation. Scholars argue over the exact reasons for the uprisings, however, consensus exists over the fact that it stems from political, economic, and social dissatisfaction. The revolts started in Tunisia and set a chain reaction in motion, eventually reaching the shores of Gulf Cooperation Council, an economic and political union comprising of the Arabian Gulf States of Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. Although the kingdoms of the Arabian Gulf are rather similar in their socio-economic and political build-up, the GCC witnessed both minor and major uprisings kind of revolt and the respective nations responded in different manners to its domestic uprisings. This BA thesis seeks to create a detailed analysis of the distinct nature of the uprisings that took place within the borders of the GCC. Most GCC members experienced some sort of public unrest one way or another with Bahrain and Oman witnessing persistent violent street protests. After doing preliminary readings, it has become clear that the GCC-states can be divided into three different groups based on the intensity of the riots as well as the governments’ responses to the demands of its citizens. The first group consists of those countries that witnessed enduring riots resulting in the deaths among its citizens, like Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia. The second group of nations consists of those which experienced minor protests that did not result in any deaths among protestors. The only country fitting into this group is Kuwait. Lastly, the governments of both Qatar and the United Arab Emirates did not have to deal with domestic uprisings, however, there was some unrest, especially through online activism. Specifically, my research will attempt to disclose the plausibilities behind the distinct levels of intensity of the civil uprisings which took place in these structurally similar kingdoms. The presence of the rentier state undoubtedly plays a crucial role in the lives of GCC citizens as well as in the preamble of the uprisings in the GCC, however, the question regarding the rationale behind citizens’ discontent as well as the intensity of governments’ counteractions remains. The research for this BA thesis aims at assessing sources through means of qualitative research by examining reports, news articles, nevertheless focussing on engaging with the academic literature on the topic. By analyzing these sources, I will be able to draw analogies and comprehend the discrepancies which took place during the Arab Spring’s civil uprisings in the GCC. Moreover, my thesis will evaluate GCC member states’ different sorts of uprisings and their dissimilar responses to the revolts within their own physical and symbolic space. Additionally, the paper discloses the GCC’s revolts and respective reactions without delving into the main causes of the Arab Spring. The paper is structured as follows. The first section will introduce the GCC’s socio-political climate, the concept of the rentier state, and its usefulness to describe the rationale behind the discrepancies between the civil uprisings in each different country. The central part of the thesis will discuss the GCC’s the dissimilarity in the civil uprisings’ intensities as well as the unalike approach governments took regarding their citizens’ demands. The final section will reveal the research’s findings and draw several conclusions. In addition to this, a prediction will be made for the future based on the reactions and concessions made by governments at the time of the uprisings and whether this will prove beneficial in the long-term.Show less
Falling oil prices are leading the Saudis to drastic action. While oil funds still provide the state with a sizable income, it is clear that the new Crown Prince imagines a remained importance of...Show moreFalling oil prices are leading the Saudis to drastic action. While oil funds still provide the state with a sizable income, it is clear that the new Crown Prince imagines a remained importance of the state in structuring post-oil development. This thesis explores the potential for a contemporary developmental state to be built up in the oil kingdom. This signifies a departure from the rentier structures that have had the upper hand in the Kingdom, and requires a new kind of state autonomy. The ability for the Saudi Monarchy to adopt this new role is key in the post-oil development of the country. This thesis shows that the transition from rentierism to state-led capitalist development is possible and can be a viable strategy for Saudi Arabia.Show less
This thesis provides an in-depth analysis on the political and economic consequences for rentier states and their elites, based on three presented reasons. Because of low oil prices, climate...Show moreThis thesis provides an in-depth analysis on the political and economic consequences for rentier states and their elites, based on three presented reasons. Because of low oil prices, climate mitigation policies and the eroding competitiveness of oil, states are increasingly experiencing the changing structures of the global political economy. To overcome challenges, rentier states are diversifying their economies by emphasizing non-oil alternatives. Consequences are the viability of the rentier model and their overrepresented authoritarian elites are at risk. By investigating an exemplary case this research has tried to better understand the path of the rentier state. Results find Saudi Arabia has begun diversifying its economy in predominantly the tertiary sector and is simultaneously activating its labour force to promote employment outside the government and oil sectors. Fast growing sectors that are progressively providing employment for Saudi nationals are (1) Finance, Insurance, Real Estate & Business Service and (2) Transportation & Communication sectors. Implications are that Saudi Arabia will cease to be a rentier state in the future and that, in tandem, the historically secure position of its authoritarian elites is likely to be at stake. Rising education levels, specialization in the private sector and urbanization levels, give indication the Saudi Arabian society will be able to articulate a demand for representation and accountability. Considering the late introduction of a 5% VAT tax and likely future tax increases, the probability of democratization processes is increasing. The adage “he who pays the piper calls the tune” will likely prove no exception in case of the rentier state. Ramifications for other rentier states are inclined to be corollary to that of Saudi Arabia. Albeit, heterogeneity among rentier states could prove to be detrimental for their survival.Show less
In this paper, I investigate the relationship between the marriage institution and political legitimacy in Saudi society from a feminist perspective. I argue that the inherent inequality between...Show moreIn this paper, I investigate the relationship between the marriage institution and political legitimacy in Saudi society from a feminist perspective. I argue that the inherent inequality between men and women embedded in the Ḥanbalī marriage contract and Najdī customs was utilized by the state in the 1932 Saudi-Wahhābī alliance to create a specific “Saudi patriarchy” designed to subjugate citizens. I further examine the durability of this patriarchy post-1932 and argue that the Saudi state and its ‘ulamā’ successfully continued to manipulate the institution of matrimony to monitor and control the sexuality of its subjects which effectively distracted some citizens from pursuing their political rights. After discussing the creation and application of Saudi patriarchy, I contend that such a system needs to be deconstructed through the reformulation of the Ḥanbalī marriage contract to eradicate the gender hierarchy embedded within it. This research also attempts to explore whether this social change that can create empowered Saudi identities can also lead to political reform.Show less
This thesis explores Saudi Arabia’s power behavior towards Lebanon in order to explore the pattern of Saudi Arabia’s waning influence. After all, it is among the most powerful regional actors and...Show moreThis thesis explores Saudi Arabia’s power behavior towards Lebanon in order to explore the pattern of Saudi Arabia’s waning influence. After all, it is among the most powerful regional actors and wields immense financial as well as religious resources compared to lightweight Lebanon. Nevertheless, Saudi action in Lebanon backfires seemingly frequently, either strengthening its opponents or weakening its allies. It is argued that Saudi Arabia is very capable of using their economic might in Lebanon; however, the more they strangle Lebanon the more likely Lebanon is to fall into Iran’s open arms. This, in turn, hurts Saudi Arabia’s overarching goal of regional influence and limiting Iran’s expansionism. On top of that, Saudi’s credibility, trust and legitimacy were thwarted after the 2009 elections and especially after the 2017 Hariri debacle in Lebanon. While prioritizing immediate national interest is natural for any country, Saudi Arabia’s policies disregarded the Lebanese target population’s perception and failed to achieve its regional interest with regards to pushing back Iranian influence. Hence, its prematurely hard power-driven policy pushed its allies away into the open arms of Iran. Saudi Arabia indeed has immense soft power resources, which, however, it has been largely ineffective in utilizing thus far. After all, it has become evident that despite its small size, Lebanon is the stage for regional power play. If Saudi Arabia continues to employ such a miscalculated policy, it will threaten its regional standing despite its immense, yet waning, economic might. Consequently, an unbalanced use of soft and hard power behavior of Saudi Arabia results in a cost inefficient foreign policy. Instead of self-defeating its efforts, it should be in Saudi’s self-serving interest to winning the hearts and minds of the people for effective power conversion and a strong standing to challenge Iran.Show less
Due to China’s growing industry and their corresponding growing energy requirements in the last couple of decades, the country has reevaluated its foreign policy for the Middle East to secure its...Show moreDue to China’s growing industry and their corresponding growing energy requirements in the last couple of decades, the country has reevaluated its foreign policy for the Middle East to secure its supply of energy. A key factor in the achievement of this goal has been the improvement of relations with oil exporting countries in the Middle East such as Saudi Arabia and Iran. This research analyzes how China has developed relations with the two major rivalling states in the Middle East and what explains the viability of an imbalanced system that is the triangular relation between China, Saudi Arabia, and Iran.Show less
The importance of religious world views cannot be understated for contemporary events in the Middle East; Religious Ideology remains a powerful mobilizer. The “Salafi” variation of Islam spans a...Show moreThe importance of religious world views cannot be understated for contemporary events in the Middle East; Religious Ideology remains a powerful mobilizer. The “Salafi” variation of Islam spans a politically quietist majority, few politically active individuals and groups, and of course politically violent and terrorist groups. The country most associated with the Salafi interpretation of Islam is the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the homeland of the Wahhabi movement. This paper examines the extent to which the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is involved in the spread of Salafism, as well as the consequences thereof. I argue that propagating Salafism has definitely been a part of the kingdom’s foreign policy, and that the internal environment of the kingdom is conducive to significant non-state support. Regarding consequences, violent strands of Salafism have been paradoxically useful but also most damaging. On the other hand, while domestic apolitical variations could be used for internal stability external apolitical Salafis could potentially be mobilized. Finally, politically active Salafis would be a nuance internally and not of much use externally. Importantly, transnational Salafism has proven uncontrollable and unreliable. It could backfire violently, and it can lead to tension and polarization within and across societies.Show less
Oil-induced revenues that are directly accrued to states, or rents, are one of the foundations for many states in the Middle East, Africa, and elsewhere in the world. In exchange for political...Show moreOil-induced revenues that are directly accrued to states, or rents, are one of the foundations for many states in the Middle East, Africa, and elsewhere in the world. In exchange for political inactivity, these so-called rentier states redistribute a fraction of this oil wealth in the form of healthcare, education, salaries and other benefits. However, with oil gradually running out, the social contract that bases itself on this rentier principle is facing a potential end-scenario. In this thesis, I will be addressing this dilemma, by asking the following question: To what extent does a relationship exist between oil depletion and change in the rentier social contract? Focussing specifically on Saudi Arabia, I will deconstruct the Saudi social contract, and compare a quantified version of this contract with the process of oil depletion, in order to find whether such a relationship exists. The study will show that even though the exact form of this relationship remains subject to discussion, it clearly exists. In conclusion, this means that scholars should redirect their focus to the political implications of oil depletion.Show less
This thesis evaluates the compatibility of sharia law with modern universal values and human rights. The methodology used in this research is a comparative case study, taking Saudi Arabia and...Show moreThis thesis evaluates the compatibility of sharia law with modern universal values and human rights. The methodology used in this research is a comparative case study, taking Saudi Arabia and Malaysia as the two case studies analysed. The main focus of this research is evaluating the political and social factors which influence the extent to which Muslim countries comply with modern universal values and human rights. The political factors examined include state structure and governmental influence over the application of laws in a nation. Meanwhile, the social factors analysed include the influence of the history and background of a state over its laws. Subsequently, this comparative case study highlights the different manners in whch sharia law is applied across the Islamic world due to the influence of social and political factors.Show less
In 2015 Iran, the P5+1 and the European Union signed the Nuclear Deal that was to dismantle, supervise and lead the process to minimise the nuclear capacity of Iran. This deal, together with its...Show moreIn 2015 Iran, the P5+1 and the European Union signed the Nuclear Deal that was to dismantle, supervise and lead the process to minimise the nuclear capacity of Iran. This deal, together with its preceding negotiations led to tensions between Iran and its rival Saudi Arabia. The question was whether this historical event would change the relation between these two countries and alter the Middle Eastern landscape, or whether it fits within the historical timeline of Saudi Arabia and Iran and that it merely was just another upheaval with little consequences. To examine this question, it is important to put this inquiry in the broader context of the Middle East, and to scrutinise the power relations those countries are involved in.Show less
This thesis deals with the Ikhwan movement who took part in critical historical events in Arabia during the first three decades of the 20th century. The movement was entirely composed of Bedouins...Show moreThis thesis deals with the Ikhwan movement who took part in critical historical events in Arabia during the first three decades of the 20th century. The movement was entirely composed of Bedouins who, in order to become Ikhwan, had to abandon their tribal and nomadic habits and instead embrace the tenets of Islam has elaborated by Wahhabism. The promoter and patron of such transformation is Ibn Saud (who will later become the first king of Saudi Arabia). Together with the help of religious teachers, known as the Mutawaa’a he provided both incentives in the form of material wealth and ideological persuasion in order to turn Bedouins into law-abiding subjects and military zealots that he needed for his expansionist projects. In particular, this thesis will deal with the potential motivations that led a good part of the Ikhwan movement into open rebellion against their Imam and King. The motivations which are listed above are not necessarily mutually exclusive but might even be complementary to one another.Show less
This thesis delves into the complex relationship between religion and international relations by examining the role of the Sunni/Shi'a sectarian divide in the tense relationship between the two...Show moreThis thesis delves into the complex relationship between religion and international relations by examining the role of the Sunni/Shi'a sectarian divide in the tense relationship between the two Middle Eastern countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia.Show less
A thesis with the goal of proving how the international arms trade has influenced the regional balance in the Gulf region, using as examples Iran, Iraq and Saudi Arabia and their relations from 1991
On the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent...Show moreOn the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent shockwaves throughout the world yet nowhere more so than in Gotō’s homeland. Japan has long maintained a policy of resource diplomacy with key trading partners in the Middle East who have supplied the Japanese economy with the oil that the country has required in order to maintain its regional and global position. However, with the death of Gotō along with his associate Yukawa Haruna, the first Japanese citizens to be executed as a result of the Japanese government’s policy in the Middle East since the end of Japanese involvement in Iraq in 2005, there is a rekindled debate amongst Japan’s leaders that the country must develop its hard power ability in order to be able to assert itself and protect its interests abroad. This thesis investigation will examine Japan’s foreign policy in the Middle East using the case studies of the murders of Gotō Kenji and Kōda Shosei and the backdrop of resource diplomacy. The investigation will be using a constructivist approach in order to provide a theoretical framework that will speculate that the Japanese government is, rather than responding to threats against it, attempting to create a an identity for itself in the region. The conclusion will then ascertain whether the changing situation in the Middle East will force Japan to re-evaluate its interests in the region or whether the instability in the region has, rather than putting Japan’s energy lifeline in jeopardy, been used by its leadership to re-ignite the debate about its need to adopt a more assertive security stance on the global stage and whether Japan, far from being attached to US foreign policy, has in fact been pursuing an entirely separate Middle Eastern policy of its own.Show less
