This thesis examines the Gothic representation and symbolic function of the Scottish natural environment in two works by Robert Louis Stevenson: the short story “The Merry Men” (1882), and the...Show moreThis thesis examines the Gothic representation and symbolic function of the Scottish natural environment in two works by Robert Louis Stevenson: the short story “The Merry Men” (1882), and the adventure novel Kidnapped (1886). The Gothic aesthetics in Stevenson’s writings – such as the notion of the sublime, the personification of nature, and the past versus the present – highlight the themes that the author expresses through his description of the Scottish landscape and seascape. By analysing the depiction of the Scottish natural environment in “The Merry Men” and Kidnapped, and by comparing these images with the aesthetics characteristic of the Gothic genre, I will demonstrate that the Scottish natural environment is not only Gothic in description, but also symbolises the themes and motifs of the narratives involved, such as heritage, memory and identity. Moreover, in the two narratives, the idea of Scotland as a nation as well as its specific physical environment becomes dark and mysterious, affecting both the characters’ and the readers’ sense of place. Since one’s sense of place is closely connected to one’s state of mind, this thesis also critically explores the extent to which the Scottish landscape and seascape influence the state of mind of the protagonists.Show less
In early modern Europe, authority was often legitimated by the antiquity of an institution or practice. The past played an important part in the self-fashioning of rulers, and vice versa posed a...Show moreIn early modern Europe, authority was often legitimated by the antiquity of an institution or practice. The past played an important part in the self-fashioning of rulers, and vice versa posed a problem for people trying to change or replace ancient institutions.In this context historians have coined the term ‘memory wars’, as memories become arguments justifying present actions. While the role of memory politics, aimed at remembering as well as forgetting, has been studied in the civil wars in the Low Countries and France, this has not been done for a similar conflict in Scotland. This points to a problem in the study of memory politics in early modern Europe, which is mostly based on progressive polities as France and the Low Countries. This is problematic because modernity is a point of contention among scholars studying memory practices.To overcome a possible distortion of early modern memory practices by relying on relatively ‘modern’ polities, it is necessary to compare the practices in these polities with memory practices in an early modern polity which was less developed, such as Scotland. Are economic prosperity and state formation, or a certain level of development, prerequisites for ‘modern’ memory practices?Show less
This thesis analyses the use of persuasive rhetorical styles within the political discourse that was present in the popular prints of early eighteenth century Scotland. Using Aristotle’s rhetorical...Show moreThis thesis analyses the use of persuasive rhetorical styles within the political discourse that was present in the popular prints of early eighteenth century Scotland. Using Aristotle’s rhetorical schemata of logos, pathos and ethos as a tool for textual analysis, this thesis demonstrates how Whig, Tory and Jacobite agents used the medium of popular print to endorse their own political ideologies as well as undermining those of their opponents from the Act of Union of 1707 until the Porteous affair of 1736. About twenty percent of the popular prints that constitute this thesis’ corpus of sources, were found to contain political notions corresponding to the contemporary party lines. Within these prints, Whigs were found to appeal to logos for factual representation and amplification, but primarily made use of the pathos of graciousness to portray themselves as righteous. The appeal to this emotion was supported by a virtuous ethos that focused on characterizations such as goodness, honesty and grace. Contrarily, Tories and Jacobites hardly made use of logos but instead appealed to a range of emotions within the concept of pathos, such as gentleness and pity, and ascribed themselves an ethos that included bravery, valance and loyalty. In undermining the opposition, both Whig as well as Tory and Jacobite prints vilify the opponent through the pathos of anger, hatred, enmity and contempt. However, it is in the undermining where ethos becomes the main means of persuasion. Tories are described as incompetent, Jacobites are characterized as barbarous fools, and Whigs as conceiting and self-serving politicians. Consequently, Whigs typically sought to portray themselves as morally and ethically superior to their opponents and their readership, whereas Jacobites seemingly sought to identify with their readership more, emphasizing how everyone was suffering under the Whig government. This thesis outlines the persuasive content of a political discourse that was present within a type of print available to both high and low culture. With this, it argues that political discussion was not strictly reserved for intelligentsia, although it also sustains the assumption that ephemeral print was generally used as a trivial news agent. Ass well as this, this thesis provides two relative novelties. First, it constructs an explicit and restricting definition of the concept 'popular', unlike most academic publications on this concept that apply the term without restrictions. Second, it offers a series of perspectives on the content of a previously unstudied corpus of ephemeral prints published in early eighteenth century Scotland, which is both a period and area that has been understudied with regards to the role of politics in popular print culture.Show less
The European Union is directly affected by political crises within member states. One of the challenges many of the member countries face comes in the form of secessionism. The secessionist...Show moreThe European Union is directly affected by political crises within member states. One of the challenges many of the member countries face comes in the form of secessionism. The secessionist sentiment in Europe is especially felt in the United Kingdom and Spain. Whereby secessionism has been able to move to the political mainstream. This thesis has sought to analyse in accordance to the framework of Mechanics of Cultural diplomacy: A comparative case.” (Kizlari & Fouseki, 2017) how regional secessionist governments have instrumentalised semi-public institutions to conduct sub-state diplomacy. The thesis analyses the legal mandate, the operational structure of Scotland Europa and Diplocat to discover whether they subjected to the direct influence of their respective regional governments. Subsequently, the thesis analyses the frames employed by the organisations in their communications to understand the objective of their publications in order to conclude how regional governments instrumentalised them. The analysis demonstrates that in both the Catalan and Scottish case the organisations were indeed instrumentalised to conduct sub-state diplomacy. Yet, the objectives were different. On one hand the Catalans sought to internationalise their self-determination effort and appealed to the European Union to mediate in the national conflict. On the other hand, the Scottish government has sought to influence EU decision making through more conventional channels such as consultation responses and the publication of papers. Finally, it has become clear that both the Catalan and Scottish government see European Union membership as a crucial part of their independence.Show less
The EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and...Show moreThe EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and Scotland as well as in the Brexit referendum. This new political context provides an excellent opportunity to reassess the stance of the EU with regard to secessionist conflicts. This thesis uses this opportunity to build on the work of Bourne (2014) by analysing whether the political discourses of regionalist parties and EU representatives, on secession within the EU framework, changed between 2014 and 2017 – in the case of Catalonia, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The analysis shows that the only discourses that changed significantly over time were those of Sinn Féin in the Northern Irish case and of EU representatives with regard to Scotland. Besides change over time, it found change between cases; the discourse of EU representatives in the Northern Irish case represents a departure from the Prodi/Barroso Doctrine that was prominent in the Catalan and Scottish case. The findings also suggest that the EU’s unwillingness to be involved in secessionist conflicts as well as the dismissal of post-secession EU membership has not necessarily discouraged regionalist parties from using the EU to underline the civic nature of minority nationalism; the parties under analysis continued to seek legitimacy for their cause at the European level through strong normative language, while professing adherence to the EU (values) and the democratic will of the people. Finally, the thesis shows that the EU may have started to adopt a more active stance in secessionist debates – undeniably so in the case of Northern Ireland.Show less
The thesis discusses the available historical and archaeological evidence regarding the Severan campaigns between 208-211 and its preceding preparations in both England and Scotland.
Research master thesis | Literary Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis argues that the literary relevance of The Private Memoirs is its examination of the sometimes problematic desire for belonging and self-realisation. The novel, seen as a satirical...Show moreThis thesis argues that the literary relevance of The Private Memoirs is its examination of the sometimes problematic desire for belonging and self-realisation. The novel, seen as a satirical Bildungsroman, shows that Robert Wringhim’s failure both to reach maturity and assimilate into society is the result of his inability to change. One needs to constantly (re)negotiate between self and other to safely integrate into society – this is a form of Bildung, as understood in Herder’s conceptualisation of the term. However, Robert fails to integrate, because he refuses to change his early identity, which, in turn, leads to the creation of a doppelgänger. Also, his parents teach Robert that he is preordained to live in heaven which causes him to feel that above all he belongs to this future state. Ultimately, with no self-realisation and a strong desire to go to where he feels he belongs, Robert’s short life can only end in his premature death. Finally, The Private Memoirs is not merely a critique of bad parenting or religious excess. Rather, Robert and his family become a metonymy for something larger and more prevalent: liberalism and civil society, where freedom becomes freedom to have property, rather than freedom of thought. In the end, liberalism is portrayed as a system of exclusion rather than inclusion of differences.Show less
The Scottish National Liberation Army was, and still is, a very small violent Scottish nationalist movement with the aim of establishing an independent Scottish Republic. From their inception in...Show moreThe Scottish National Liberation Army was, and still is, a very small violent Scottish nationalist movement with the aim of establishing an independent Scottish Republic. From their inception in 1980 they knew how to make the headlines of the newspapers through an insistent campaign of letter bombs to important figures like Lady Diana, Margaret Thatcher and even the queen. They planned bomb hoaxes and were even responsible for some actual bombings. Somehow they were, however, never really (visibly) taken seriously by the media or the authorities. And that might just be one of the reasons why they did not become a large terrorist movement. The aim of this study is to contribute to wider terrorism research by looking at the factors that kept the SNLA from becoming a large terrorist movement. By figuring out what kept the SNLA from becoming the Scottish equivalent of, for example, the IRA we might be able to recreate these conditions and policies in our societies today and reduce the number of people joining such a movement resulting in the gradual decline of terrorist movements. Beatrice de Graaf’s theory on performative power proved to be of crucial importance to answer the research question of this paper: Why did the Scottish National Liberation Army not become a large terrorist movement during the years 1979-1997? By building on a firm theoretical framework of new and proven terrorism research and investigating newspaper articles and parliamentary debates from that period for anything relating to the SNLA this study has come to the conclusion that one of the major factors that contributed to the SNLA remaining a small and obscure movement was (1) the low performative power of the British Government. By publically ignoring the SNLA and letting the infiltration be done by local authorities and intelligence agencies thus not involving the public in the terrorism discourse, the British government minimised the performative power and thus the influence of the movement. Other factors were; (2) the way the media reported the actions of the SNLA, which was usually with disdain; (3) errors from within the SNLA itself, like failed attacks or other actions and; (4) there were other alternatives for the SNLA, movements like the trade union or political parties which were more successful at achieving the same goals as the SNLA but through legal means. On this basis it is recommended for future counterterrorism policies to keep the performative power of the government as low as possible and to keep an open dialogue with and invest in the alienated and marginalised groups of society. Providing them with other alternatives for terrorism.Show less
Abstract In 2011 an excavation in Camelon near Falkirk in Scotland revealed a large amount of leather artefacts, primarily shoes. After their conservation treatment these artefacts were brought to...Show moreAbstract In 2011 an excavation in Camelon near Falkirk in Scotland revealed a large amount of leather artefacts, primarily shoes. After their conservation treatment these artefacts were brought to Leiden University for further research. It was claimed that the find was unique because of its large quantity, good quality, sharp dating and well described find location. For this reason and the fact that leather artefacts can provide a lot of information about the people that lived in the past and could actually make major contributions in answering certain archaeological questions, the leather artefacts had to be documented well and extensively. But how to convert these objects into clear information? Because there was no standard approach of how to document complete archaeological leather, an approach had to be devised to document the Camelon find. There were two requirements the approach had to meet. Firstly, it had to display the information the leather artefacts possessed in a clear way and secondly, the results had to be suitable for comparison to other leather artefacts. While creating an approach for the Camelon leather, the idea emerged that this approach could actually serve as a standard approach for documenting all leather finds. Because when the approach is suitable for an unique find such as the Camelon leather, it must suitable for other leather finds as well. To investigate the uniqueness of the Camelon leather and to test the newly created approach for its desired requirements and its suitability as future standard approach, the results were compared to the records of three other but quite similar sites that were documented in previous years. The results of this comparison show that the requirements indeed have been met. The approach displays the information in a clear way and at the same time the results are easy comparable to other leather artefacts. It has also been found that the Camelon leather is an unique find. The other sites show similar quantities and good quality artefacts but not all sites have clearly described find locations or a good dating like the Camelon find has. When the suitability to serve as standard approach is subsequently investigated, it becomes clear that the approach created to document the Camelon leather is indeed very suitable. Modern techniques such as scanning machines and digital photography, make the approach that is created to document the Camelon leather favourable over the other approaches. The approach is actually more extended than the other approaches because of additional scans and photographs that shows the artefact condition and helps to examine the artefacts without having to touch them every time.Show less
This thesis analyses separatist movements within EU member states. The cases of Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders are thoroughly analysed and compared to establish a pattern of separatism within the...Show moreThis thesis analyses separatist movements within EU member states. The cases of Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders are thoroughly analysed and compared to establish a pattern of separatism within the EU. The pattern that is established recognizes imagined communities and 'rationalized' arguments as the cornerstones of European separatism. Moreover, this thesis considers the seemingly contradictory pro-European attitude that is clearly present within these separatist movements.Show less
In this thesis an overview is given of the way the Drummond estate management adjusted to changes in the social economic situation in Perthshire, Scotland. Subjects discussed are the Perthshire...Show moreIn this thesis an overview is given of the way the Drummond estate management adjusted to changes in the social economic situation in Perthshire, Scotland. Subjects discussed are the Perthshire region and Drummond family, estate income, and the relationship between landowner and tenant.Show less
