A seat in the United Nations Security Council is more attractive and prestigious than ever among the organisation’s member states. This thesis investigates the importance of credibility connected...Show moreA seat in the United Nations Security Council is more attractive and prestigious than ever among the organisation’s member states. This thesis investigates the importance of credibility connected to a running candidate’s campaign message in a contested security council election. By adopting a qualitative comparative analysis between the three candidates from the highly competitive Western European and Others Group election of 2020 - Canada, Ireland and Norway – this thesis aims to increase our knowledge of the determinant factors for successful campaigns. The results suggests that proven consistency and positive political engagement and results related to the communicated priorities in the campaign message – at least in relation to those of its competitors – can play a decisive role in the outcome of contested elections. However, the thesis cannot exclude any other possible determinants nor point out any single factor that is more decisive than the others. Nevertheless, the results open up for further research on political commitment as a determinant factor, with special focus on campaign messages.Show less
In 2020, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda celebrated its 20th anniversary. But amidst a global pushback on women´s rights and the continuation of violence and conflict, the realization of...Show moreIn 2020, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda celebrated its 20th anniversary. But amidst a global pushback on women´s rights and the continuation of violence and conflict, the realization of the agenda seems a far dream. In Yemen, women played leading roles in the 2011 uprising and the National Dialogue Conference in 2013-2014. Yet, they have increasingly been excluded from Yemen’s political processes and peace efforts. This thesis centers the voices of five Yemeni women, who briefed the United Nations Security Council on the situation in Yemen between 2017 and 2020. Using a postcolonial feminist lens, this thesis investigates how the statements of these women activists and those of the United Kingdom and the United States of America in UN Security Council meetings on Yemen compare, and how these discourses in turn relate to the Women, Peace and Security agenda. In particular, by building on the analytical framework of Laura Shepherd (2008), the thesis analyzes the conceptualizations of gender, security, violence and the international sphere in the discourse. This dissertation argues that – despite their commitments to the WPS agenda – the UK and the US fail to take into account the gendered dimensions of the conflict in Yemen and to recognize the intersectional security threats women in Yemen face. As both states largely fail to engage with the opinions and recommendations of Women Civil Society Briefers from Yemen, they also fall short in reflecting on their own contributions to the continuing conflict in Yemen.Show less
On April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that...Show moreOn April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that started in 2011 slowly unfolded into a larger regional and international conflict. The complexity of alliances in the Syrian conflict might be a reason of the long-lasting hostilities that still continue today. This thesis investigated the role of two main actors in the Syrian conflict: the United States and Russia. This study aimed to answer the following research question: how are the US-Russian relations in the UNSC on the Syrian conflict from March 2011-June 2018? In a heightened atmosphere in international relations, it is important to find out if more room for cooperation between the two countries exists within the UNSC framework. A document analysis of the UNSC meeting records, presidential statements and (draft) resolutions from 2011-2018 has been conducted. The contribution of this study lies in the systematic analysis of the UNSC minutes on the Syrian conflict which enables the author to draw conclusions over the entirety of the war. By looking at three main categories – the use of chemical weapons, humanitarian assistance, and the political peace process – this thesis found out that the US and Russia seem to agree on a broader level, but that filling in the details proves to be problematic.Show less
Many talk about how the Security Council's current composition is "illegitimate", but there appears to be little agreement as to what a "legitimate" Security Council would look like. This thesis...Show moreMany talk about how the Security Council's current composition is "illegitimate", but there appears to be little agreement as to what a "legitimate" Security Council would look like. This thesis uses Bruner's part-whole theory to analyse the narratives used by WEOG candidates for the Council's non-permanent seats for 2011-2012 and 2013-2014, to analyse what legitimacy arguments they deployed and what these say about the perceived legitimacy of the Council as a whole.Show less
This thesis describes the role of the principles of self-determination and sovereignty in the Security Council debates about the Indonesian dispute in 1945-1950.
This paper intends to explain the discrepancy in Western response to cases of conflict which appear to be comparable, and it aims to do so through a realist study of the West’s self-interest...Show moreThis paper intends to explain the discrepancy in Western response to cases of conflict which appear to be comparable, and it aims to do so through a realist study of the West’s self-interest involved. By differentiating these comparable cases between ‘Western’ and ‘non-Western’, this paper intends to put forward the theory that the West is biased towards non-Western conflict management activities in general. Thereby contradicting the commonplace Western-based literature, this paper aims to voice an alternative interpretation of the reasoning behind Western responses to non-Western efforts of managing conflict. Through studying four cases of interstate conflict management activities which did not enjoy implicit Security Council approval, and two further comparable and illustrative cases of domestic conflict, this paper aims to present empirical evidence for the theory as proposed. This analysis will adhere to a qualitative research design, and it will combine elements of a content- and discourse-analysis, thereby relying on scholarly written work as well as on political and media discourse related to the selected cases. As this analysis will subsequently conclude, the selected cases indeed illustrate an inconsistency in Western response to either Western or non-Western conflict management activities, thereby ruling in favour of the here argued theory that the West is biased towards non-Western efforts of managing conflict. Due to the argued Western ‘moral high ground’ in international affairs, this bias is consequently portrayed as a standard by Western governmental leaders and by Western media, thereby leading to a one-sided discussion in which non-Western countries have an inherent disadvantage; something this paper intends to contradict.Show less
