China’s rise in political power over the last decades has been reflected by its growing international influence, e.g., in international organisations like the World Bank or the United Nations....Show moreChina’s rise in political power over the last decades has been reflected by its growing international influence, e.g., in international organisations like the World Bank or the United Nations. Especially its role in the UN Security Council is of importance as China holds one of the permanent seats. One important agenda item of the SC is peacekeeping operations. China’s peacekeeping policy has attracted significant scholarly attention. However, there is a theoretical gap as previous research has not yet focused on the influence of institutions on China, in particular its peacekeeping approach. This study aims to fill this gap by looking at how China’s increase in political power affects its peacekeeping policy. In order to answer this question, this paper connects prior research findings with an analysis of UNSC meeting records on peacekeeping operations from 2000-2003 to explore China’s evolving peacekeeping policy. The analysis provides mixed results: While there is clear evidence for a path dependence and the critical juncture, there is ambiguity regarding a change in China’s peacekeeping policy after 2001.Show less
Unlike the nineteenth century, the competition for power in Eurasia is increasingly fought between Russia and China. In turn, according to the prevailing neorealist discourse, these powers compete...Show moreUnlike the nineteenth century, the competition for power in Eurasia is increasingly fought between Russia and China. In turn, according to the prevailing neorealist discourse, these powers compete for security and economic influence in what is referred to as ‘the New Great Game’. In recent years, China is seen to increasingly tilt the balance of power from Moscow’s traditional sphere of influence towards Beijing – especially in the economic realm – with Russia attempting to retain its hegemonic position. Accordingly, a pressing question is what implications the spillover of this competition for hegemony in Central Asia has for Sino-Russian relations in the region’s most important multilateral organisation, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. In this thesis the above query is assessed by three schools of thought: limitationism, alarmism and normalism. In scholarly discourse limitationist and alarmist discourses have been prevalent, but not entirely convincing, discussing the implications of the New Great Game on the SCO leadership. They have generally emphasised (and polarised) either the cooperative or the competitive nature of Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia’s and the SCO’s New Great Game scenario respectively. Conversely, the framework on which this thesis’ explanation of the Sino-Russian relations in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation is based, is the altering balance of power, combined with dual cooperative and competitive Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia, as discerned by ‘normalists’. It can be concluded that analogous to their simultaneous converging and diverging interests in Central Asia at large, Sino-Russian relations in the SCO should be regarded as practical interrelations based on ‘complex reciprocity’ (Yu 2007, 79). They are a tacit compromise to, ultimately, let the SCO function as an satisfactory diplomatic forum where Moscow and Beijing can regulate the New Great Game: their relations in CA, China’s rise and Moscow’s traditional sphere of influence.Show less
