Somaliland is a self-declared country located in the Horn of Africa that has been struggling for international recognition for over 30 years. Nonrecognition hinders unrecognized states from...Show moreSomaliland is a self-declared country located in the Horn of Africa that has been struggling for international recognition for over 30 years. Nonrecognition hinders unrecognized states from participating in multilateral and bilateral trade agreements, it severely restricts their opportunity to attract foreign aid and it excludes their region from international legal frameworks. The decision to grant Somaliland recognition is a political process of negotiation and depended on the global context, and moreover, not strictly bound by international law. Discourse and framing theories exemplify that how actors frame their actions, words and perceptions has a significant influence in diplomatic relations. Hence, this thesis is intending to unravel the ways in which the Somaliland government aims to influence the stance of the international community towards recognizing its independence by using various types of framing. This will contribute to the academic debate as unrecognized states and their practices, interests and beliefs are still considered to be a ‘black box’. A qualitative content analysis was carried out and data was gathered, comprising 14 speeches and interviews given by the Somaliland President and Minister of Foreign Affairs for the period of 2012-2022. The results indicate that the government of Somaliland prioritizes prognostic framing over diagnostic framing with a specific focus on the justification for acquiring international recognition. Motivational framing is mostly deployed towards the United States as this country is seen as a powerful actor in diplomatic relations.Show less
Over the last 30 years, Somalia has experienced a civil war that has torn the country apart. Countless civilians have lost their lives, almost all public institutions have been destroyed, and large...Show moreOver the last 30 years, Somalia has experienced a civil war that has torn the country apart. Countless civilians have lost their lives, almost all public institutions have been destroyed, and large segments of the Somali society have fled abroad to seek shelter (Mohamud 2020, 115). The country experienced a Hobbesian era of anarchy that symbolized what Robert Rotberg classified as “a rare and extreme version of a failed state. (…). a mere geographical expression, a black hole [where] there is dark energy, but the forces of entropy have overwhelmed the radiance that hitherto provided some semblance of order and other vital political goods to the inhabitants (no longer the citizens)” (Rotberg 2004, 9). To end Somalia’s acute state of anarchy and its protracted inter-tribal warfare’s, international multilateral organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and Somalia’s neighbouring countries have sought to mediate relations between the contesting factions that were exercising inter-tribal politics within the country. Three major peace and reconciliation conferences sponsored by the international community have been held to resolve the Somali impasse: the first summit took place in Borama (Somaliland) in 1993, the second in Arta (Djibouti) in 2000, and the third in Mbagathi (Kenya) in 2003. The Borama conference in particular is what led to the self-determination of Somaliland, which is not the theme of this thesis. The topic of this research is to look at the differences between these peace processes. By comparing the nature of these three conferences it is possible to identify practices and models of peacebuilding for Somalia, a country that is seeking stability to this day. Despite these costly peace-making conferences as it cost the United Nations (UN) and donor countries to spend enormous sums of money and resources, Somalia remains fragmented and unstable, with the current federal government barely able to control its capital, Mogadishu (Ingiriis 2020, 10). Through a top-down peace-making approach, the so-called international community (IC) has attempted to solve disputes between powerful actors without incorporating local values, history, expertise, and the everyday experiences of the wider Somali population into the peacemaking processes and ultimately these efforts have failed to produce effective dispute resolution (Ansems 2011, 99). Given these failures, this research attempts to investigate the underlying factors that explain the UN’s liberal peacebuilding approach (which applies a predefined conceptual top-down framework that neglects Somalia’s everyday experiences) and why it failed to bring forth any genuine reconciliation (Glawion 2020, 66). Due to the disconnect between the top-down peacebuilding framework and Somalia and democracy, this paper investigates how an alternative framework called the “pragmatic peacebuilding approach” which moves beyond traditional liberal peace, can facilitate a more practical approach to peacebuilding that is sustainable, reconciliatory and context-specific. This thesis will endeavour to test the following research question and hypothesis. The research question is quite straightforward: the UN’s top-down peacebuilding process has been taking place in Somalia for more than 20 years, why then have the UN’s efforts failed to yield plausible peace results in Somalia? The answer to the research question is based on the following hypothesis: in Somalia, top-down peacebuilding has prevailed over grassroots-level peacebuilding and this is why peacebuilding in Somalia did not succeed. The hypothesis is based on both a historical account of what has happened in Somalia, including Somaliland, since the early 1990s and on the review of the literature on the Somali problem as well as on peacebuilding in general. Somaliland achieved peace vis-à-vis a grassroots model of peacebuilding, while in the rest of Somalia the UN used a top-down approach.Show less
Abstract This thesis explores the theory of State Recognition and its limits. Using the case of Somaliland as an example to discuss the problems regarding de facto recognition. With the help of...Show moreAbstract This thesis explores the theory of State Recognition and its limits. Using the case of Somaliland as an example to discuss the problems regarding de facto recognition. With the help of diplomatic documents from the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, it tries to build a case that de facto recognition is problematic and often only serves the state that initiates that de facto recognition, as ultimately, the observed behaviour does not seem to indicate that the analysed states consider Somaliland to be a non-state. In conclusion, it is suggested that the situation where a de facto state suffers from non-recognition, but in interactions gets treated as a fully functioning state, can be described as the de facto recognition problem.Show less
The purpose of this research is to analyse the forces behind how secession1 states come to be externally recognised and gain international legal sovereignty. This paper addresses the overtly one...Show moreThe purpose of this research is to analyse the forces behind how secession1 states come to be externally recognised and gain international legal sovereignty. This paper addresses the overtly one-dimensional approach of current secession theories pertaining to external recognition. I posit to fill a gap in the existing literature by creating a new theory derived from the two existing sets of secession literature; external and internal. This will be a hybrid theory that incorporates both existing theoretical lenses to give a more complete picture of the forces at work behind external recognition. I then apply this theory to the case studies of Somaliland and South Sudan. The research aims to identify and isolate factors that influence and explain the external recognition of South Sudan and the non-recognition of Somaliland. South Sudan’s external recognition is found to be explained solely by levels of external involvement while Somaliland is found to have more influential internal factors than external. This leads to the conclusion that within the hybrid theory, external factors prove the most significant in external recognition. However, only through a hybrid theory can well-rounded and comprehensive research be conducted. The paper contributes to the academic field within Political Science of secessionist movements and state creation.Show less
