Environmental protection is an increasingly salient topic for contemporary society, especially in the context of the climate crisis. People all around the world are engaging in environmental...Show moreEnvironmental protection is an increasingly salient topic for contemporary society, especially in the context of the climate crisis. People all around the world are engaging in environmental activism, yet environmentalism research has disproportionately centered on the West. Considering how most countries on the front lines of climate change are non-Western, this gap must be rectified. Southeast Asia (SEA) is a region severely overlooked in this regard, particularly in terms of what environmentalism actually brings here. There is insufficient knowledge on how SEA states respond to environmental activism, despite the relevance for its citizens and environmental sector practitioners, who witness some of the worst repercussions of environmental degradation. Therefore, this paper aims to expand our understanding of state responses to SEA environmentalism and contentious political action by investigating Vietnam and the Philippines. A comparative study was conducted on these two cases, which employed qualitative content analysis on texts like news articles to study responses to environmentalism. Findings reveal that both countries display a variety of responses, but are most inclined to repress. However, they differ considerably in how they approach each response type in terms of methods, actors involved, and consistency. It is proposed that each country’s distinct response pattern is linked to its respective regime type, as suggested by existing literature on contentious political action. Beyond the popular notion that non-democracies are more likely to repress contentious claim-making, this study illustrates how hybrid regimes can be more covert and lethal in their repression than other regimes. From these findings, this paper stresses the importance of local socio-political contexts for those engaged in environmental protection and advocacy. Additionally, this investigation hopes to spur similar research on other SEA countries and expand the political science literature on this region.Show less
Southeast Asian states are working to set regional human rights standards concerning torture prevention. The relationship between Southeast Asia and international human rights law regarding torture...Show moreSoutheast Asian states are working to set regional human rights standards concerning torture prevention. The relationship between Southeast Asia and international human rights law regarding torture warrants increased academic attention. This text looks at the connection between the UN Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and torture prevention in Southeast Asia, conducting a small-N case study of torture prevention in Cambodia and the Philippines. It finds evidence consistent with stagnation in torture prevention in Cambodia and improved torture prevention in the Philippines following OPCAT ratification. Furthermore, Southeast Asian states may be diversifying in their approaches to international human rights law regarding torture according to political regime type.Show less
Bachelor thesis | South and Southeast Asian Studies (BA)
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The gamelan is an ensemble, well-known as an Indonesian icon, and popular in today's media. However, how well do we really know about its background and roots? How ancient/recent is it, for...Show moreThe gamelan is an ensemble, well-known as an Indonesian icon, and popular in today's media. However, how well do we really know about its background and roots? How ancient/recent is it, for instance? The paper proposes various lines of investigation while highlighting issues of perception and definition hidden in the very core of the object of investigation. Current public perceptions of the gamelan may have to undergo challenges if we are to find an answer. In compensation for such challenges, we discover a fascinating Asia-wide cultural, social and historical perspective and a delightfully rich matrix in which the gamelan emerged.Show less
Funan is an ancient state centred on the southern Mekong delta between the 1st and 6th century CE. Traditionally, Funan has been seen largely in terms of its long-distance contacts to India,...Show moreFunan is an ancient state centred on the southern Mekong delta between the 1st and 6th century CE. Traditionally, Funan has been seen largely in terms of its long-distance contacts to India, limiting thorough studies of regional interaction. This research instead focuses on regional exchange and interaction within the Mekong delta, thereby centring indigenous Southeast Asian developments and connecting long-distance interactions with local dynamics. To assess the role of Funan in riverine and coastal exchange networks this paper studies the assemblages of stone and glass beads, ceramics and metal objects in mainland Southeast Asia. Results show that the stone bead types and the type of glass used in glass beads differs in the Mekong delta and other parts of mainland Southeast Asia. The ceramic assemblage is overwhelmingly local, with some stylistic parallels to South Asian shapes common in mainland Southeast Asia. The metal assemblage at Funan sites is mainly gold, as gold was produced at Funan sites. The gold assemblage at Funan sites is distinct from that at nearby sites in mainland Southeast Asia. The results indicate a clear difference between the material distributions within the Mekong delta and the coastal regions of mainland Southeast Asia, as well as showing intensive connections to South Asia that led to rapid socioeconomic changes around the 3rd century CE. The exchange network centred on the Mekong delta primarily involves localized prestige objects utilizing South Asian elements or techniques. The localized objects are distributed throughout the Mekong delta and are distinct from prestige objects spread in other parts of mainland Southeast Asia. This indicates the importance of long-distance connections as well as the building of local alliances using exotic prestige objects, and shows the valuable connections of riverine local trade with coastal exchange. The results also demonstrate the importance of recognizing and studying the fluidity of the maritime exchange network of mainland Southeast Asia by effectively utilizing approaches from maritime archaeology.Show less
China’s contemporary foreign policy project, dubbed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the ‘New Silk Road’, which was initiated in 2013 to foster a ‘community of shared destiny’ through...Show moreChina’s contemporary foreign policy project, dubbed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the ‘New Silk Road’, which was initiated in 2013 to foster a ‘community of shared destiny’ through infrastructure development, has remained a prominent contemporary issue for Southeast Asian states that are situated in one of China’s key geographical areas of interest for the BRI’s designated ‘Maritime Silk Road’. While on the one hand presenting itself as a solution to the region’s infrastructural challenges through investments, it simultaneously continues to clash with a number of states within Southeast Asia over territorial disputes within the South China Sea (SCS). In this sense, what China has gained in means of hard power, it can be argued to lack in soft power within the current regional order – a power vacuum that the implementation of developments under the banner of the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) component of the BRI could potentially resolve for China. In attempting to find an answer to the question “How has China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road affected state cohesion within Southeast Asia?”, a comparison has been made between five claimant states within the SCS region (the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, and Vietnam) to see how each of their positions has potentially been altered in light of China’s MSRI, and thereby ultimately their overall cohesion. By applying a congruence analysis, the explanatory power of realist and constructivist theoretical approaches have been tested to determine which variables have been decisive in foreign policy decision-making for the observed cases. While the variables related to realism have been concluded to be more decisive for a decrease in cohesion amongst the claimant states for the time being, developments under the banner of the BRI as well as the SCS disputes are in constant flux. Therefore no definitive conclusion can be drawn yet with respect to the direction of regionalism in Southeast Asia and the most suitable theoretical explanation thereof.Show less
This thesis argues that during the Abe and Suga administrations, Japan has been successful at pushing some of its key security objectives into the agendas of strategically important Southeast Asian...Show moreThis thesis argues that during the Abe and Suga administrations, Japan has been successful at pushing some of its key security objectives into the agendas of strategically important Southeast Asian states through the process of tactical hedging. Tactical hedging has allowed the Abe and Suga administrations to be flexible with its policy approach to the rise of China, allowing Japan to be firm on security issues in Southeast Asia when needed, while allowing room for friendly economic competition. This flexibility made security cooperation with Japan more viable for Southeast Asian states, as none of the countries wish to pursue a hard-line China containment policy. The Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision, which has seen notable alterations by the Abe and Suga administration to address the needs of their Southeast Asian partners, and Japan refraining from openly criticizing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are examples of Japan taking the concerns of its Southeast Asian partners into account. While still at an early stage, the results of Japan’s tactical hedging can be seen within Japan’s improved security relations with Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam. These three countries, which belong to the largest economies of ASEAN, and are faced with China’s growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, will therefore be used to support the importance of tactical hedging for security cooperation in East Asia.Show less
This thesis argues that during the Abe and Suga administrations, Japan has been successful at pushing some of its key security objectives into the agendas of strategically important Southeast Asian...Show moreThis thesis argues that during the Abe and Suga administrations, Japan has been successful at pushing some of its key security objectives into the agendas of strategically important Southeast Asian states through the process of tactical hedging. Tactical hedging has allowed the Abe and Suga administrations to be flexible with its policy approach to the rise of China, allowing Japan to be firm on security issues in Southeast Asia when needed, while allowing room for friendly economic competition. This flexibility made security cooperation with Japan more viable for Southeast Asian states, as none of the countries wish to pursue a hard-line China containment policy. The Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision, which has seen notable alterations by the Abe and Suga administration to address the needs of their Southeast Asian partners, and Japan refraining from openly criticizing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are examples of Japan taking the concerns of its Southeast Asian partners into account. While still at an early stage, the results of Japan’s tactical hedging can be seen within Japan’s improved security relations with Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam. These three countries, which belong to the largest economies of ASEAN, and are faced with China’s growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, will therefore be used to support the importance of tactical hedging for security cooperation in East Asia.Show less
The Dutch East India Company has been ascribed many faces and many colours during its existence, and these still echo throughout the public debate and national discourse. This thesis will...Show moreThe Dutch East India Company has been ascribed many faces and many colours during its existence, and these still echo throughout the public debate and national discourse. This thesis will contribute to new directions in the historiography of Dutch Empire by focusing on the Dutch East India Company governors and the narratives they communicated in the so-called 'Memories van Overgave', how these changed between 1700-1750, how these differed between three different regions: Bengal, Ambon, and Ceylon, and what the implications are for the organisational identity of the Dutch East India Company. In order to do so, this thesis employs a new analytical framework that positions the governor in the centre of two different relations: the relation he had to the institute he was a part of, and the relation he had with the proverbial 'other' he encountered. Everything combined, this will show the multi-faceted nature of the governors, the Dutch East India Company, and that the identity of the Dutch East India Company was not static, but flexible and ever-changing.Show less
The aim of the thesis is to explore the largest environmental movement in Malaysia’s history – the anti-Lynas movement – through a case study analysis. The campaign emerged as a response against...Show moreThe aim of the thesis is to explore the largest environmental movement in Malaysia’s history – the anti-Lynas movement – through a case study analysis. The campaign emerged as a response against the construction of the Lynas Advanced Material Plant (LAMP), a rare earth refinery plant in West Malaysia. The anti-Lynas movement argued that the opening of the facility would have negative environmental and health consequences due to the lack of proper waste management facilities for radioactive components such as thorium and uranium. Despite having scientific evidence and political support within the Malaysia also internationally, the movement was unable to stop the operations of the largest earth refinery plant in the world. The thesis draws on resource mobilization theory and political opportunity structures to explain the outcome of the movement. The objective of the thesis is to analyze the reasons why the movement failed to stop the construction and the operations of the rare earth facility. The results of the thesis argue that the anti-Lynas movement had the necessary resources to emerge and contest the LAMP facility. However, the political context of Malaysia did not allow for the movement to influence the legislation of LAMP.Show less
Japan and China are competing for infrastructure projects in Southeast Asia. They have both launched their own international infrastructure development strategies: China’s Belt and Road Initiative...Show moreJapan and China are competing for infrastructure projects in Southeast Asia. They have both launched their own international infrastructure development strategies: China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Japan’s Partnership for Quality Infrastructure and Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy. This paper will investigate how China and Japan frame their respective strategies and how they occupy different roles in Southeast Asian infrastructure development.Show less
In recent years, China’s rise has had profound effects on a global scale as well as on individual states. There is an academic debate whether this rise is peaceful and possibly mutual beneficial or...Show moreIn recent years, China’s rise has had profound effects on a global scale as well as on individual states. There is an academic debate whether this rise is peaceful and possibly mutual beneficial or that it is a threat, economically speaking as well as political. This thesis aims to determine to what extent Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) affects the economic sovereignty of Laos. In this context, economic sovereignty is defined as the power and capability of a national government to decisions make independent of the interests of other governments. Using quantitative and qualitative research and various case studies, research has been conducted to examine the effects of Chinese FDI on the economic sovereignty of Laos in the last five years including current times. The results indicate a strong correlation between Chinese economic activity in Laos and the deepening of economic dependency on China as well as a decay of economic sovereignty for Laos due to significant debt accumulation.Show less
This paper discuss about what are problems caused by the disruptive technology on employment matter in different countries in Asia, namely Indonesia, Singapore and China. Different approach taken...Show moreThis paper discuss about what are problems caused by the disruptive technology on employment matter in different countries in Asia, namely Indonesia, Singapore and China. Different approach taken by each government to solve the issue.Show less
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) stands at the forefront of Southeast Asian regional cooperation. Within its fifty years of existence, ASEAN has faced many challenges, among them...Show moreThe Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) stands at the forefront of Southeast Asian regional cooperation. Within its fifty years of existence, ASEAN has faced many challenges, among them the territorial disputes in the South China Sea involving overlapping claims of its member countries with China. Despite ASEAN’s efforts to create peace and stability in the region, effective multilateral measures remain scarce. Although often praised as a strong point of ASEAN, this thesis highlights that ASEAN’s diversity remains one of its main weaknesses in finding common ground for multilateral approaches in regional security.Show less
The following thesis has focused on researching the manner in which the rise of a Southeast Asian middle-class has contributed to propel and sustain the ecommerce sector growth in Southeast Asia....Show moreThe following thesis has focused on researching the manner in which the rise of a Southeast Asian middle-class has contributed to propel and sustain the ecommerce sector growth in Southeast Asia. Three primary arguments were advanced within the paper. Firstly, the demographics of the Southeast Asian middle-class. With an expanding middle-class size, the rise of ecommerce is primarily dictated by a growing number of individuals using online shopping platforms to consume. Secondly, the purchasing power of the middle-class. Due to higher salaries, the purchasing power is deemed to represent a pivotal variable in influencing the ecommerce sector growth in the region. Thirdly, the inner features and values held by the Southeast Asian middle-class today. Consumerist in nature and with a rising desire for exlcusivity and rare items, this last factor is one of great importance, particularly among the youngest segments of society.Show less
Energy security in this day and age is an increasingly complex concept for policymakers to deal with. In order to sustain future economic growth while keeping in account issues of territorial...Show moreEnergy security in this day and age is an increasingly complex concept for policymakers to deal with. In order to sustain future economic growth while keeping in account issues of territorial disputes and environmental pollution, many scholars have anticipated a great role for ASEAN, the regional organisation in Southeast Asia, in fostering regional cooperation on energy security. The dominant perspective within the literature analyses ASEAN in practical terms of material outcomes and claims that ASEAN should follow a similar path as the European Union, focussing on functional cooperation. However, the current research concurs with a marginalised and underdeveloped perspective in the literature and claims that norms and the establishment of a regional identity are crucial in understanding cooperation on energy security in Southeast Asia. The contribution of the research is twofold. First, its analyses of ASEAN’s regional energy security policies, the Laos-Thailand-Malaysia-Singapore power interconnection project and nuclear energy developments finds that ASEAN’s normative approach is crucial in understanding development of and the rationale behind cooperation on energy projects in the region. Secondly, it finds that contrary to the assumption of many scholars in the existing literature on energy security in ASEAN, ASEAN’s norms are not static but undergo change through a process of norm localisation, in which external norms and practices are adopted and localised within pre-existing institutional norms and practices. The thesis concludes that norms play a crucial role in ASEAN’s approach to fostering regional cooperation on energy security, dictating both form and function of cooperation. A normative approach is therefore key in gaining a better understanding of the development of energy security cooperation amongst Southeast Asian states.Show less
As the Global War on Terror increased counterterrorism in Indonesia, Indonesian Jihadi groups found themselves in a new position. On the one hand, counterterrorism units destroyed their...Show moreAs the Global War on Terror increased counterterrorism in Indonesia, Indonesian Jihadi groups found themselves in a new position. On the one hand, counterterrorism units destroyed their organization. On the other hand, it encouraged them to ally with international terrorist networks such as Al-Qaeda and ISIL. This thesis provides an analysis of the Indonesian government’s counterterrorism strategy towards the rising threat of terrorism. In order to understand this relationship, this thesis looks into the role of counterterrorism on the alliance formation process of local Jihadi groups with larger international network. After the Bali bombings in 2002, the Indonesian government started to build its counterterrorism capacity according to good governance principles. Counterterrorism efforts where sharpened, and with success: Indonesia’s largest Jihadi group Jemaah Islamiyah, was largely dismantled by Indonesian counterterrorism units. However, through the funding of Al-Qaeda, Jemaah Islamiyah was able to conduct several other attacks. This left the government no choice than to increase the role of the Indonesian Military in counterterrorism operations. More raids, arrests and killings of Indonesian Jihadi members stimulated the number of terrorist attacks against the Indonesian government and thus, revenge became one of the primary reasons for terrorism. This thesis finds that the relationship between counterterrorism and terrorism is an increasing spiral of violence. Furthermore, counterterrorism units have been able to weaken local Jihadi groups’ internal strength. The findings show that this internal breakdown has influenced some of the local Jihadi’s group decision to ally with larger international networks such as Al-Qaeda and ISIL.Show less
