This thesis looks at the compatibility of statism with principles of distribution of climate change costs. Two strands of statism are analysed, communitarianism and institutionalism, in relation to...Show moreThis thesis looks at the compatibility of statism with principles of distribution of climate change costs. Two strands of statism are analysed, communitarianism and institutionalism, in relation to three principles of distribution of costs, the Polluter Pays Principle (PP), the Beneficiary Pays Principle (BP) and the Ability to Pay Principle (AP). This thesis focusses on statism because its applicability to climate change is understudied in the climate justice literature. The main argument is that statism is only partially compatible with some of the principles of distribution of costs. Institutionalists are only partially compatible with the PP and the AP but not with the BP. Communitarianism on the other hand, is applicable to all three principles but always to a limited extent.Show less
This paper will discuss what role same-sex marriage legalized in 2019 has within Taiwanese diplomatic discourse (Ministry of Justice 2019). Taiwanese diplomatic discourse is heavily influenced by...Show moreThis paper will discuss what role same-sex marriage legalized in 2019 has within Taiwanese diplomatic discourse (Ministry of Justice 2019). Taiwanese diplomatic discourse is heavily influenced by the fact it has no official United Nations recognition (Schafferer 2020, 46). As the head of state, President Tsai shapes Taiwanese diplomatic discourse. Current academic work has discussed the role of human rights diplomacy and same-sex marriage in Taiwanese diplomacy to a very limited extend. This causes understanding of Taiwanese diplomacy to be lacking. Same-sex marriage has taken a prime position within global diplomacy. Discussing President Tsai’s diplomatic discourse can provide insights in how same-sex marriage is adopted within Taiwanese diplomatic discourse. This paper provides further insight on the mechanics of Taiwanese diplomacy and the role of human rights and same-sex marriage within Taiwanese diplomatic discourse. Through thematic content analysis it became apparent that President Tsai argues for recognition of Taiwan’s sovereignty by mainly western actors based on shared values. The base of these relationships is shared liberal values, such as freedom, democracy, the upholding of human rights, and providing gender and LGBTQ+ equality. She also argues that the legalization of same-sex marriage reason to support Taiwanese democracy. The legalization of same-sex marriage legitimizes President Tsai’s narrative to present Taiwan as a beacon of freedom and democracy in Asia. Based on these shared values, President Tsai argues for protection by the international community of Taiwan from the People’s Republic of China. The legalization of same-sex marriage takes a position within Taiwan diplomatic, as presented by President Tsai, as proof to legitimize Taiwanese advanced democracy, respect for human rights, and Taiwanese sovereignty.Show less
In the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was...Show moreIn the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was adopted in 2000, grants the organisation the right to intervene in case of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity. This reflects a conceptualisation of sovereignty as responsibility. To understand this shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty, this thesis conducts a discourse analysis of nine official declarations of the Organization of African Unity between 1990 and 1999 through the lens of constructivist theory. It finds that collective identity, in the guise of Pan-Africanism, serves an important role in enabling the shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty through narrative and interaction. This suggests that collective identity, explicitly on the regional level, is an important factor to be considered in the institutionalisation of humanitarian intervention and has implications for the Responsibility to Protect.Show less
This thesis discusses the reinvigoration of the Malvinas/Falklands claim during the Kirchner administrations(2003-2015) in Argentina. It shows how the Malvinas issue can serve as a tool for...Show moreThis thesis discusses the reinvigoration of the Malvinas/Falklands claim during the Kirchner administrations(2003-2015) in Argentina. It shows how the Malvinas issue can serve as a tool for populist and nationalist policies and strategies. In a more general sense, this thesis dives into what the Malvinas issue means for the Argentinians and why it remains an important part of Argentina's foreign policies.Show less
One of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked...Show moreOne of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked humanitarian aid from entering its territory, based on the principle of sovereignty. Theoretically, international aid organizations have impartial access to deliver humanitarian aid when necessary, based on the fundamental humanitarian principles. Paradoxically, these fundamental principles have limited aid organizations to execute their work and compromises needed to be made with the Assad government in order to obtain access. Ever since the beginning of the conflict, humanitarian aid has been unequally distributed via government channels between government- and opposition controlled areas in Syria. It has become a strategy of warfare for the Assad regime, perpetuating violence and advancing legitimization and support for the nation’s regime. Simultaneously, international aid organizations created cross-border operations in order to circumvent this demonstration of the politicization of humanitarianism. This thesis extensively addresses this phenomenon and its consequences, by examining the central research question: To what extent has the politicization of humanitarianism impeded neutral emergency food aid delivery by international aid organizations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2019?Show less
The democratic legitimacy of political representation is not obvious. In the literature, however, it is often treated as such, mostly because the alternative of direct democracy is deemed...Show moreThe democratic legitimacy of political representation is not obvious. In the literature, however, it is often treated as such, mostly because the alternative of direct democracy is deemed unfeasible. In this thesis, I approach this issue based on the fundamental critique of representation as made by Rousseau, according to which democracy and representation are mutually exclusive, and representative democracy thus a contradiction in terms. I compare Rousseau’s position, supported by a more modern argument by Hanna Pitkin, to an attempt by modern authors in defending representation, which started with David Plotke. I support Plotke’s ideas with those put forward by Nadia Urbinati and Mark Warren, and also look at a more extreme position as argued by Frank Ankersmit. Comparing these positions to the critique by Rousseau and Pitkin, it becomes clear that defence of representation is lacking democratic justification that can withstand Rousseau’s fundamental critique. Finally, I discuss a potentially strong argument at providing such a justification, based on arguments by Laura Montanaro and Clarissa Hayward, which emphasizes the constructive role that representation plays in the shaping of people’s interests. Until the representative turn provides a substantial argument that people do not have politically relevant interests prior to representation, I argue, Rousseau’s critique remains intact, and we need to be more careful in ascribing democratic properties to representative systems.Show less
The exposure of Libya’s political fragmentation and societal disintegration after 2011 was picked up by academics, journalists, and policy researchers who have written on that aspect of the Libyan...Show moreThe exposure of Libya’s political fragmentation and societal disintegration after 2011 was picked up by academics, journalists, and policy researchers who have written on that aspect of the Libyan reality more than any other. Libya is perceived as a fragile state with hundreds of armed groups, multiple claims of governance and tens of warring tribes. Both local and international actors have contributed to this image, but this thesis attempts to argue that there is more than the fragile and disorganized state discourse to describe Libya. The fact that Libyan unity, sovereignty, and independence have survived this extreme level of fragmentation is a question that deserves to be investigated. Thus, through the use of wide range of theories, academic and policy papers, news articles, survey data, and political agreements reports, this thesis aims to answer why and how Libya managed to preserve its status as a state in such an environment. It treats the question as a question of sovereignty by arguing that the traditional definition of sovereignty limits our ability to comprehend the state issue in Libya fully. By focusing on different aspects of sovereignty and by selecting broader definitions of the concept, this thesis argues that Libya’s unity and sovereignty have been preserved so far because international and local actors benefit from this arrangement even though they may be (in)directly contributing to fragmentation in the country. The international community is not willing to let states fall-apart, and the Libyan people do not seem to favor division and separation movements. Local state and non-state actors realize this arrangement, and they have not challenged thus far.Show less
In this thesis, I analyze journal articles from The Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science during the 1910s to better understand the conceptualization of American foreign policy...Show moreIn this thesis, I analyze journal articles from The Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science during the 1910s to better understand the conceptualization of American foreign policy during this period. This was a period of change and shifts, when European imperial powers were receding in global hegemony and American power was ascending. I argue that the authors of these articles interpreted this period of change as an opportunity for America and articulated a new global order by political, economic, and social interaction of global affairs through US intervention.Show less
On June 23, 2016, a referendum in the UK made clear that the EU would lose a member for the first time since its birth in 1951. In a highly intense campaign during the months before the referendum,...Show moreOn June 23, 2016, a referendum in the UK made clear that the EU would lose a member for the first time since its birth in 1951. In a highly intense campaign during the months before the referendum, those in favor of Brexit faced off those that fought to maintain the status quo. Among the many issues debated, sovereignty emerged as heavily contested. This thesis attempts to shed some light on the competing concepts of sovereignty that were used by the two camps by analyzing the discourses of left- and right-wing newspapers in the UK. After performing a discourse analysis of 90 articles that these newspapers published during the runup to the referendum, this thesis concludes that right-wing newspapers view sovereignty as an indivisible, high-value concept that should be held by a national, democratically elected government. By contrast, left-wing newspapers view it as having various degrees, which makes them more willing to cede some of it, if this benefits the nation. Academically, the thesis draws on existing literature about sovereignty and the British understanding of it, expanding on this literature especially through the insights on the British left-wing newspapers’ discourse. Moreover, it seeks to stimulate public debate on sovereignty by drawing attention to these newspapers’ less absolute, more cooperative perspective of the concept.Show less
In this thesis I argue that Jacques Derrida takes a mediating position in between Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt with regards to the relationship between law and reality. I do so by showing that...Show moreIn this thesis I argue that Jacques Derrida takes a mediating position in between Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt with regards to the relationship between law and reality. I do so by showing that Derrida wants to reside within the system - just like Schmitt - while he also partially argues for deconstructing the system - similar to Benjamin. The big difference with Benjamin is that Derrida wants to tear up the system from within.Show less
In this analysis into political and moral philosophy, the author argues that non-state actors could, under the right conditions, be considered morally and politically legitimate in carrying out a...Show moreIn this analysis into political and moral philosophy, the author argues that non-state actors could, under the right conditions, be considered morally and politically legitimate in carrying out a humanitarian intervention. This is done by assuming a minimal theory of universal human rights and then looking further into the contemporary literature surrounding humanitarian intervention as well as its history and application. In doing so, there does not seem to be moral, conceptual, or legal boundaries that would disallow such an intervention if carried out under the specified conditions. The implications of such a non-state humanitarian actor could change the way in which humanitarian interventions are carried out and remove or reduce the primacy of the state oriented nature of such interventions. Alec J. Bowie (2016) “The Legitimacy of Non-State Actors in Humanitarian Intervention”, Leiden Student RepositoryShow less
This thesis describes the role of the principles of self-determination and sovereignty in the Security Council debates about the Indonesian dispute in 1945-1950.
This thesis intends to use The 120 Days of Sodom to contribute to a reflection upon sovereignty in political philosophy. The overarching aim is to determine the extent to which Sade’s conception of...Show moreThis thesis intends to use The 120 Days of Sodom to contribute to a reflection upon sovereignty in political philosophy. The overarching aim is to determine the extent to which Sade’s conception of transgression in The 120 Days can illumine the problem of sovereignty. The thesis will argue that this novel presents a sustained revelation of a particular paradox evident in sovereign theory. This paradox is explicitly dealt with in the political philosophy of the German jurist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985). It is the contention of this thesis that the political philosophy of de Sade, as outlined in The 120 Days, contains precise affinities with Schmitt’s theory of the exception. Like Schmitt, Sade articulates the transgressive capacity of sovereign power. Sovereignty rests upon mere attribution, not moral or normative considerations. Sovereign authority, once attributed, is legitimate because the sovereign has the power and authority to decide that it is legitimate. This ‘decision’ creates our paradox: the transcendent preserver of law is ultimately not bound to the law that is ordered. Consequently, the sovereign power alone is capable of legitimate transgression, going beyond the normal order with the aim of sustaining the normal order. Any suspension of law on behalf of the sovereign is an act of transgression. In the suspension of law, the sovereign transgresses the limits of the juridical order, with the aim of sustaining the legal order, hence the paradox. This thesis will focus on The 120 Days of Sodom as a philosophical novel about the possibility of absolute sovereignty. In the ‘real world’, the suspension of law sustains the juridical order, the transgression ultimately serving a practical purpose which is to uphold juridical normalcy. In Sade’s fictive space, however, he details no such bounds. The 120 Days is a wildly destructive exercise; it imitates the justification of sovereign power found in the decision to create a situation of infinite transgression of boundaries and limits. Sade forms an impossible universe wherein the exception becomes a normative principle. Sade accelerates the principle of sovereign power – the decisionistic aspect of the law – portraying seemingly endless attempts to sustain the “miracle” moment.Show less
In the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way...Show moreIn the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way to becoming a great nation, thus expectations that the Chinese leadership steps up to this task are mounting. Traditional Chinese foreign policy is based on respect for the sovereignty of other nations, non-intervention and laissez-faire in general. Greater economic interests in areas abroad are in conflict with these traditional principles. In this thesis we have therefore researched whether China is putting economic and diplomatic pragmatism ahead of principle. While Beijing attempts to avoid involvement in matters that are not of national interest, we will see from two case studies - based on the Libyan civil war and the Syrian civil war - that this has become increasingly difficult. Moreover, when looking at UN peacekeeping operations we see that China is an actively contributing P5 member. It seems that 'wuwei' (or not-doing), is becoming an untenable stance in a globalizing world.Show less
