This thesis describes the role of the principles of self-determination and sovereignty in the Security Council debates about the Indonesian dispute in 1945-1950.
This thesis intends to use The 120 Days of Sodom to contribute to a reflection upon sovereignty in political philosophy. The overarching aim is to determine the extent to which Sade’s conception of...Show moreThis thesis intends to use The 120 Days of Sodom to contribute to a reflection upon sovereignty in political philosophy. The overarching aim is to determine the extent to which Sade’s conception of transgression in The 120 Days can illumine the problem of sovereignty. The thesis will argue that this novel presents a sustained revelation of a particular paradox evident in sovereign theory. This paradox is explicitly dealt with in the political philosophy of the German jurist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985). It is the contention of this thesis that the political philosophy of de Sade, as outlined in The 120 Days, contains precise affinities with Schmitt’s theory of the exception. Like Schmitt, Sade articulates the transgressive capacity of sovereign power. Sovereignty rests upon mere attribution, not moral or normative considerations. Sovereign authority, once attributed, is legitimate because the sovereign has the power and authority to decide that it is legitimate. This ‘decision’ creates our paradox: the transcendent preserver of law is ultimately not bound to the law that is ordered. Consequently, the sovereign power alone is capable of legitimate transgression, going beyond the normal order with the aim of sustaining the normal order. Any suspension of law on behalf of the sovereign is an act of transgression. In the suspension of law, the sovereign transgresses the limits of the juridical order, with the aim of sustaining the legal order, hence the paradox. This thesis will focus on The 120 Days of Sodom as a philosophical novel about the possibility of absolute sovereignty. In the ‘real world’, the suspension of law sustains the juridical order, the transgression ultimately serving a practical purpose which is to uphold juridical normalcy. In Sade’s fictive space, however, he details no such bounds. The 120 Days is a wildly destructive exercise; it imitates the justification of sovereign power found in the decision to create a situation of infinite transgression of boundaries and limits. Sade forms an impossible universe wherein the exception becomes a normative principle. Sade accelerates the principle of sovereign power – the decisionistic aspect of the law – portraying seemingly endless attempts to sustain the “miracle” moment.Show less
In the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way...Show moreIn the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way to becoming a great nation, thus expectations that the Chinese leadership steps up to this task are mounting. Traditional Chinese foreign policy is based on respect for the sovereignty of other nations, non-intervention and laissez-faire in general. Greater economic interests in areas abroad are in conflict with these traditional principles. In this thesis we have therefore researched whether China is putting economic and diplomatic pragmatism ahead of principle. While Beijing attempts to avoid involvement in matters that are not of national interest, we will see from two case studies - based on the Libyan civil war and the Syrian civil war - that this has become increasingly difficult. Moreover, when looking at UN peacekeeping operations we see that China is an actively contributing P5 member. It seems that 'wuwei' (or not-doing), is becoming an untenable stance in a globalizing world.Show less
The European Union is seen as an institution in which member states pool or transfer their sovereignty. This research will analyze the relationship between sovereignty and the European Union in an...Show moreThe European Union is seen as an institution in which member states pool or transfer their sovereignty. This research will analyze the relationship between sovereignty and the European Union in an attempt to explore what happens to sovereignty and if concerns of losing sovereignty to the European Union are legit.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The so-called ‘Pacific Century’ has inspired a new wave of literature on the impact of the rise of China on existent trends of Geopolitics, Development and Global Governance. In no place has this...Show moreThe so-called ‘Pacific Century’ has inspired a new wave of literature on the impact of the rise of China on existent trends of Geopolitics, Development and Global Governance. In no place has this been more apparent than in sub-Saharan Africa, a region previously dominated by Western influence and norms. This thesis examines the implications of the pursuit of interests by the EU and China on Sovereignty since the turn of the century, focusing on the case of Nigeria. I argue that whereas the EU considers sovereignty to be ‘subjective’ to internal legitimacy, China adopts a ‘defensive’ stance on the norm. These positions are the result of each actor’s respective interests in resource accumulation, economic growth and diplomatic support. Using process tracing, I show how the pursuit of interests by the EU and China result in both direct and indirect impacts on Sovereignty in Nigeria. Whereas most scholars of International Relations focus on direct breeches of sovereignty in the case of international intervention in state affairs, I have developed the concept of indirect breeches of Sovereignty to incorporate cases in which internal state affairs are influenced, for example through the support of a particular regime type that does not necessarily hold internal legitimacy. This concept has important implications for the potential for collective bargaining between states and the ability to determine the amount of influence of external states in cases of Political-Economic diversity.Show less
