The focus of this thesis lies on the European Union’s (EU) strategy toward counterterrorism, specifically from 2005 until 2022. How and why the EUs counterterrorism strategy has changed, and its...Show moreThe focus of this thesis lies on the European Union’s (EU) strategy toward counterterrorism, specifically from 2005 until 2022. How and why the EUs counterterrorism strategy has changed, and its effectiveness will be investigated. This is done through qualitative research where three policy documents: EU Counterterrorism Strategy (2005), EU Counterterrorism Agenda (2020) and the Security Compass (2022) are analyzed and compared. Throughout the thesis, it becomes clear that crisis significantly impacts the development of and change in EU counterterrorism policy.Show less
Since 9/11, U.S. administrations have increasingly relied on Special Operations Forces (SOF) to counter irregular threats such as terrorism. Although the actual employment of SOF has increased, the...Show moreSince 9/11, U.S. administrations have increasingly relied on Special Operations Forces (SOF) to counter irregular threats such as terrorism. Although the actual employment of SOF has increased, the academic debate on the nature and value of SOF has lagged. Since the 1990s, multiple theories on SOF have been published, yet there remains much disagreement amongst scholars about which core characteristics SOF theory should have. This thesis provides an overview of this debate on SOF theory. Subsequently, it evaluates which theory - or type of theory - is best able to capture the nature of SOF.Show less
Until 2014, Ukraine Distinguished itself from fellow former Soviet republics through its competitive political arena and lack of domestic armed conflict. That changed in 2014 with the Euromaidan...Show moreUntil 2014, Ukraine Distinguished itself from fellow former Soviet republics through its competitive political arena and lack of domestic armed conflict. That changed in 2014 with the Euromaidan protests in February, followed by the Russian annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in March. These protests turned violent, triggering a government sanctioned counterterrorism operation in response. Peace negotiations coordinated by the OSCE resulted in the signing of the Mink Protocol establishing an immediate cease-fire monitored by the OSCE. Despite these international efforts, the fighting in Donbas sustained and Donbas turned into a semi-frozen conflict facing sporadic military skirmishes. Within the analysis of new civil wars, further specification can be made to distinguish protracted social conflicts (PSCs), or those in which groups are deprived of basic needs on the basis of communal identity as a result of a complex causal chain involving the role of the state and international linkages. PSCs are of particular interest in the case of Ukraine as it experienced unparalleled demographic reversals throughout the 20th century. This research postures the following question: to what extent is the post-Euromaidan prevalence of separatist paramilitary activity in Donbas a manifestation of a protracted social conflict? Using an adaptation of Azar’s genesis model as a framework in order to attempt to partially answer the aforementioned question, it is concluded that the separatist paramilitary activity in Donbas is likely a manifestation of a protracted social conflict based on human need deprivation.Show less
The term hybrid warfare has often been associated with Russian operations in Ukraine, yet academia is in disagreement on the relevance and viability of this term. This thesis puts Russian hybrid...Show moreThe term hybrid warfare has often been associated with Russian operations in Ukraine, yet academia is in disagreement on the relevance and viability of this term. This thesis puts Russian hybrid methods and ‘hybrid warfare’ into a new perspective by determining the extent of which Russian hybrid operations have aided Russia in achieving its aims in the Ukraine conflict in a strategic manner. In order to do so, a strategic value assessment model was developed and applied to Russian hybrid operations in the context of the annexation of Crimea and the subsequent conflict in Eastern Ukraine. This thesis has found that, despite seeing relative success in Crimea, Russian hybrid operations cannot be considered as highly strategic. This is mostly due to the heavy reliance on the use of Russian proxy forces in the form of separatist groups, which have proven to be difficult to control in the long term and have acted out of line with Russian national policy on some occasions.Show less
This thesis investigates the the importance of multiple technological advances in the American Civil War, and applies them to the contemporary revolution in military affairs in order to disprove...Show moreThis thesis investigates the the importance of multiple technological advances in the American Civil War, and applies them to the contemporary revolution in military affairs in order to disprove Biddle who discredits the importance of the revolution in military affairs.Show less
This thesis aims at exploring the relationship between the EU’s formulated ambition to be more active at the international level and the EU’s external cybersecurity strategy. In order to do that,...Show moreThis thesis aims at exploring the relationship between the EU’s formulated ambition to be more active at the international level and the EU’s external cybersecurity strategy. In order to do that, the thesis will answer the following research question: “How coherent is the European Union’s external cybersecurity strategy with the EU’s willingness to become more active at the international level ?” More precisely, the thesis will assess whether the EU’s external cybersecurity strategy corresponds to the key principles and helps fulfill the objectives set out by the 2016's European Union Global Strategy (EUGS) for the EU to become more active externally. The thesis is based on content analysis of the documents on cybersecurity published by the EU from 2013, the year of the first EU cybersecurity strategy's publication, to december 2020, when the second EU cybersecurity strategy was released.Show less
Small states particularly those in the Global South, have often been relegated to being objects of international relations rather than actors. When discussed by most scholars, much focus is put on...Show moreSmall states particularly those in the Global South, have often been relegated to being objects of international relations rather than actors. When discussed by most scholars, much focus is put on their ability to cooperate with big powers or form coalitions in order to achieve their goals. Only a few scholars discuss the ability of small states to independently hold power in international relations. Amongst those who do, only a small number go further than affirming that small states can exist independently in a world dominated by large power states. They often fall short in theorizing ways for small states to acquire and keep this independent power. By focusing on Fiji and its implementation of niche diplomacy, this thesis will argue that small states are not only capable of being independent actors of world politics, but that they can become leaders in a domain of international politics. Although niche diplomacy is a type of diplomacy often associated with middle powers who have the capacity of becoming big powers, this article will argue that it is in fact a strategy that can assist states who have the potential and capacity but not necessarily the window of opportunity needed to establish themselves as international powers.Show less
Over the past decades a clear perception of dichotomy between the USA and the Russian Federation has persisted that has seeped into the perception of the strategy followed by either military. This...Show moreOver the past decades a clear perception of dichotomy between the USA and the Russian Federation has persisted that has seeped into the perception of the strategy followed by either military. This perception is examined and challenged through an analysis of either nations strategy and tactics in the field of Counterinsurgency (COIN). Initial glances appear to confirm the perception by highlighting the difference in success rate and efficiency in COIN by Russia and the USA. Analyses of military COIN tactics in Syria and Iraq, the strategic political circumstances of either nation, and the ability of the individual militaries to adapt to circumstances as well as synthesize useful knowledge, are used to examine the reasons for the increased effectiveness of Russian COIN. Tactically, it is found that both nations do not differ enough to result in the marked difference in success that has been found, therefore the reasons must lie in the other circumstances. The results of this thesis have the implication that military success in COIN is not found in specific tactical differences but rather through a combination of maintaining political will and a better synthesis of useful knowledge within the scope of the military. Therefore, the US and Russian COIN strategies are two sides of the same COIN, albeit one more successful.Show less
Since the rise of IS there have been countless analyses comparing the two terrorist organizations, however almost none discuss the impact IS has on AQ’s strategy. AQ has proven to be an adaptable...Show moreSince the rise of IS there have been countless analyses comparing the two terrorist organizations, however almost none discuss the impact IS has on AQ’s strategy. AQ has proven to be an adaptable organization, how did AQ adapt to a former affiliate that took the lead in the Jihadi Social Movement (SJM) ? And what does that mean for the strategic future of AQ, the answer to that means being able to analyze in which ways AQ is still an threat and what counter terrorism policies could be effective. This is why this topic is not only significant but also a worthy discussionShow less
This thesis set out to answer the question “What can France and the United Kingdom teach us about the role of the state in developing an Artificial Intelligence strategy that aims to ensure...Show moreThis thesis set out to answer the question “What can France and the United Kingdom teach us about the role of the state in developing an Artificial Intelligence strategy that aims to ensure Artificial Intelligence that benefits society as a whole?” Based on the literature review, this thesis assumed that there seems to be a causal relationship between the technology understanding in governments and the role of governments in developing a national Artificial Intelligence system and strategy. Based on a comparative case study between France and the United Kingdom, this thesis anticipated to adopt the hypothesis. The main result from the case study analysis is that both government’s approach in developing AI seems to have an intensifying effect on technology understanding of a government. Drawing from the analysis, the British government pursues an industry-led approach focused on industrial progress and economic value whereas the French government pursues a predominantly research-led approach that focuses on AI autonomy and transformative capabilities of AI. The main conclusion is that the case study analysis indicated that because of the distant governmental role, the technology understanding of the government appeared inadequate to correspond how a future society with AI will benefit all of society and will not exclude certain social groups. When a government had a more central role in AI, it seems more aware of the necessary conditions in technology design (and further development for applications) that would ensure a future with AI technology that includes the entire society.Show less
The thesis researches the potential of a separate jihadi strategy domain within the field of Strategic Studies. The thesis examines three case studies; Hezbollah, Hamas and Al Qaeda. These case...Show moreThe thesis researches the potential of a separate jihadi strategy domain within the field of Strategic Studies. The thesis examines three case studies; Hezbollah, Hamas and Al Qaeda. These case studies are compared on three separate elements of strategy; the ends, ways and means. The thesis concludes that these jihadi organizations lend certain aspects of Western strategic scholars and applied them to their own practices. Thus, it can be said that a separate field of jihadi strategic studies can be useful and relevant to strategic studies. Additionally, the analysis shows that jihadi organizations do think strategically when it comes to obtaining their objectives, and that they borrow elements from other jihadi organizations and Western strategic studies. This seems to suggest that no real ‘Western’ or ‘Islamic’ Way of War exists, but rather that strategic thinking is influenced by cultural heritage and the cultures that it comes into contact with.Show less
Para o Brasil a geopolítica sempre foi uma questão extremamente relevante. Desde o tratado de Tordesilhas que o território brasileiro vem vivenciando transformações e alterações que o acompanham ao...Show morePara o Brasil a geopolítica sempre foi uma questão extremamente relevante. Desde o tratado de Tordesilhas que o território brasileiro vem vivenciando transformações e alterações que o acompanham ao longo da história. Podemos dizer que mais de metade do território brasileiro foi adquirido através de tratados e convenções internacionais, sendo uma parte mínima obtida através de guerras e conquistas. No século XXI há quase um século depois de o Barão do Rio Branco ter traçado as últimas linhas de fronteira a Oeste, abrem-se novas fronteiras a Leste onde a terra acaba e o mar começa. A delimitação da soberania brasileira no mar e as questões geopolíticas e geoestratégicas que delas levantam, constituem o próximo passo no ainda não delimitado Brasil que parece perpetuar uma tradição de expansão através de meios pacíficos. Este estudo tentará perceber como a defesa de uma área marítima que corresponde a metade do território brasileiro emerso tem relevantes implicações para a defesa de todo o país. Apesar de documentos oficiais como a Estratégia Nacional de Defesa afirmar que o Brasil é um país pacifico sem inimigos, não podemos deixar de considerar a existência de uma força militar pronta para defender toda a área soberana brasileira água, terra e ar.Show less
In this thesis the ways in which power is shaped in the Arctic among the ‘Arctic five’ states are analyzed. It is argued that the Arctic is a multipolar region, in which Russia is the most dominant...Show moreIn this thesis the ways in which power is shaped in the Arctic among the ‘Arctic five’ states are analyzed. It is argued that the Arctic is a multipolar region, in which Russia is the most dominant and other actors adopt strategies towards Russia such as soft balancing, bandwagoning, and appeasement. The thesis shows that traditional conceptions of power do not apply unequivocally to the Arctic region, because it is hard to control effectively due to its unique geographical composition. Power in the Arctic is based on the recognition of sovereign rights over an area, which will give states economic opportunities (control over waterways and resources) in the future due to melting ice. The ideal of permanence underlying modern sovereignty is absent in the changing Arctic, and sovereign rights for exploitation of an area do not give states actual sovereignty. Sovereignty disputes are therefore often unclear and create interesting power dynamics. They are resolved through institutional procedures based on international law and political geography, yet states have opportunities for negotiation and can adopt their own viewpoints on sovereignty based on what suits the national interest. Thus the Arctic provides a unique example of ‘structural power’ and the interaction between structure and agency. Due to the ever-changing nature of the Arctic, states’ interests are more future-oriented than elsewhere. The thesis concludes that while security and sovereignty have become more important in the Arctic in recent years, there is no ‘security dilemma’ because capacity building does not directly threaten other states, and military conflict does not lead to gains and is highly unlikely. Security issues are rather more specific and less concerned with warfare, and more with the environment and emergencies. The difficulty of operating in the Arctic environment compels states to cooperate through international institutions, but the ‘Arctic five’ do this to further their national interests. The interdependence of the Arctic with the system-level is traced, and it is found that states are limited in their options in the Arctic due to mutual commitments on a global scale and possible precedent effects of agreements in the Arctic.Show less
Hannibal Barcas and Scipio Africanus have been compared often by many authors, but only a few have studied both in depth and even fewer have actually compared them in a fair and equal manner. In...Show moreHannibal Barcas and Scipio Africanus have been compared often by many authors, but only a few have studied both in depth and even fewer have actually compared them in a fair and equal manner. In this Thesis I attempt to place both generals next to each other on three grounds: education, strategy and tactics. Very little is explicitly known about the first subject, but it's fair to say that both generals are very well trained when they recieve their position at the head of their army. Though Hannibal's study is aimed at being a general and nothing else, Scipio's is more aimed at becoming a political figure in ancient Rome, where public offices accompanied military ones. Strategically speaking there is a lot of confusion due to Rome and Carthage having different strategies than their generals. Despite this, Hannibal's and Scipio's plans are dominated by the lack of supplies, shaping and altering their ideas on winning the war. It has to be said that Hannibal has to contend with Rome from the start, making his road to victory a lot harsher and it begs questioning if it's fair to blame Hannibal for the power the structure of Rome's alliance. Finally tactically, the similiarities are obvious. Scipio has often been called a copycat, but unjustly so. Hannibal's envelopment tactic relies on him being on the defensive, whereas Scipio has to be on the offensive. This fundamental difference in style is easily overlooked. Based on these three aspects, it has to be said that a comparison between these two great generals has to be done with utmost care. Education is largely unknown field, due to the ancients themselves not exploring it. Strategic ideas are clouded by the aims of the cities themselves and underlying political territories they fight on. Most interesting of all is the tactical difference between them which begs for further exploration.Show less
