This thesis aims to test the Swedish cybersecurity strategy on the ‘Guide to Developing a National Cybersecurity Strategy’ provided by the ITU et al. (2018), which consists of seven focus areas...Show moreThis thesis aims to test the Swedish cybersecurity strategy on the ‘Guide to Developing a National Cybersecurity Strategy’ provided by the ITU et al. (2018), which consists of seven focus areas with associated good practices. The research design of this study is therefore a form of qualitative descriptive data analysis with Sweden’s national cybersecurity strategy as a case study. The two primary policy documents which are analysed are ‘A National Cyber Security Strategy’, proposed by the Ministry of Justice (2017), and the ‘Swedish Cyber Security National Action Plan for the years 2019-2022’ established by the MSB et al. (2020). The results show that the Swedish national cybersecurity strategy incorporates the majority of the focus areas and associated good practices of what the ITU considers necessary to establish a sufficient national cybersecurity strategy.Show less
As Covid-19 was beginning to spread, European leaders were forced to debate not only the continued funding of the EU for the next 7 years, but a fiscal relief package as well. Sweden resisted calls...Show moreAs Covid-19 was beginning to spread, European leaders were forced to debate not only the continued funding of the EU for the next 7 years, but a fiscal relief package as well. Sweden resisted calls to approve of the Commission’s 3 trillion-euro plan, begging the question how does Sweden justify its resistance to fiscal redistribution at the EU level in the face of a symmetrical crisis? Solidarity is a complicated subject matter in the world of international affairs, to assist in better understanding a concept written into EU treaties this thesis created a comprehensive typology of solidarity, broken down into humanitarian and social contract subtypes, with the social contract possessing two further categories, interdependence/mutual responsibility, and conditional solidarity. To understand Sweden’s positioning and messaging, the methodology employed was a discourse analysis by utilizing statements made by Swedish politicians and officials from the Government, Riksdag, and European Parliament to understand the messaging and ideas that were presented in their respective forums. This paper finds that Sweden predominantly utilizes conditional solidarity in its discourse, with modernization, trust and invertedly, identity, being primary factors in determining Swedish disposition of aid. Discourse and internal matters which were created from prior experiences in the early 1990s during a domestic financial crisis, that have bled over into Swedish-European relations. This in turn has opened a gap for anti-EU parties and politicians to mask their rhetoric as a new norm to push a narrative for the breakdown of Swedish contributions and interactions in the EU to prevent further interdependence between Member States.Show less
Crises impede the achievement of gender equality worldwide, and are unlikely to cede in the coming years. Therefore, understanding the gender effects of crises is crucial to inform policymakers and...Show moreCrises impede the achievement of gender equality worldwide, and are unlikely to cede in the coming years. Therefore, understanding the gender effects of crises is crucial to inform policymakers and strive towards universal gender equality. This thesis seeks to add a new empirical contribution to the existing state of art by exploring how the type of crisis affects gender equality. By pursuing a single-case study focused on Sweden, this thesis aims to address limitations of current literature on this topic, which often lacks thick description and has largely neglected country-specific analyses. Using feminist theory as the theoretical framework, this thesis compares and contrasts the impact of two types of crises on gender equality in Sweden, namely financial and climate crises through document analyses. Whereas financial crises had a limited impact on gender equality, which already enjoyed a high standard pre-crisis, climate crises had a much more profound impact on gender equality in Sweden. By comparing and contrasting findings, this thesis concludes that the type of crisis does matter in terms of the impact it has on gender equality as it varies significantly in terms of the scope and nature of impact.Show less
This MA-Thesis follows the life of the Swedish diplomat in the Dutch Republic Harald Appelboom (1612-1674). An emphasis is put on the role of espionage in Appelbooms diplomatic career. The thesis...Show moreThis MA-Thesis follows the life of the Swedish diplomat in the Dutch Republic Harald Appelboom (1612-1674). An emphasis is put on the role of espionage in Appelbooms diplomatic career. The thesis argues that Appelbooms activities in intellegence were important in the development of his diplomatic career.Show less
Britain’s decision to leave the European Union (EU) has affected the position of member states (MS) through a wide range of policy areas. While the Dutch government has resisted pressures to partly...Show moreBritain’s decision to leave the European Union (EU) has affected the position of member states (MS) through a wide range of policy areas. While the Dutch government has resisted pressures to partly replace Britain’s budgetary role within the 2021-2027 Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), Sweden has hoped to create a more social Europe, in order to respond to European citizens’ disenchantment with the Union’s approach on employment issues. This thesis aims to examine why the Dutch conception and performance within the MFF have successfully changed in light of Britain’s pending departure, while Swedish influence on EU employment policy has remained limited. The findings of the research suggest that policy priorities at the EU level, differences in support for the two areas and domestic developments are responsible for the dichotomy identified between the two countries and their respective policy priorities.Show less
In the 17th century, Sweden and the Dutch Republic maintained a strong trade alliance, which was partly due to the activities of Dutch entrepreneur Louis de Geer (1587-1652). De Geer had earned a...Show moreIn the 17th century, Sweden and the Dutch Republic maintained a strong trade alliance, which was partly due to the activities of Dutch entrepreneur Louis de Geer (1587-1652). De Geer had earned a fortune from the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) by manufacturing cannons at an unprecedented scale for King Gustav II Adolf of Sweden (1594-1632). Furthermore, Gustav’s daughter, Queen Christina Maria Alexandra (1626-1689), maintained a good relationship with De Geer. Christina was ambitious at an early age and acquired an extensive collection of books, manuscripts, objects and works of art. In order to reach this goal, Christina engaged various Dutch painters, scientists and agents, who were often art dealers with a large network. Michel Le Blon suggested the young and talented David Beck (1621-1656), who was a student of the well-known Anthony van Dyck (15991641). From 1647 until Beck’s death in 1656, Queen Christina of Sweden engaged the Dutch portrait painter. During this period, Beck painted portraits of various Swedish diplomats such as Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna (1583-1654) and portraits of Christina herself. As a political strategy, Christina assigned Beck to distribute and donate a specific portrait of herself to European sovereigns. Theretofore, Beck travelled throughout Europe and visited Gutter, Amsterdam, Rome and Paris. The activities of Beck give the impression that he was involved in diplomatic strategies, and if so, could one say that the portrait painter was an agent? For example, what messages are embodied in the portraits that Beck painted of Christina? Is it to say that his paintings were used as a diplomatic weapon? Was Beck himself a diplomatic asset, and were Beck’s artistic activities closely connected to the task to propagate the image of Christina of Sweden? Is it trustworthy to say that he adapted well to the diplomatic world since many sovereigns loved his courtesy and attitudeShow less
This thesis explores the legal implications of global feminist debates centring radical and liberal feminist stances on Human Trafficking (HT) and prostitution as interrelated phenomena. It...Show moreThis thesis explores the legal implications of global feminist debates centring radical and liberal feminist stances on Human Trafficking (HT) and prostitution as interrelated phenomena. It explores the 2000 Dutch repeal of the brothels ban and the 1999 Swedish prohibition on the purchase of sex services. It posed the question - What are the discourses underlying the two dominant feminist stances on Human Trafficking and its link to prostitution? Do they reveal a similar or a radically opposed logic in their articulation of female subject positions? If so, how? By employing post-structuralist theory of discourse, notions of bio-power, docile bodies, governmentality and others, this paper argues that despite the fierce opposition between radical and liberal feminist standpoints on the two issues at hand, both positions frame female subjects as bodies to be governed or as the loci for state incursions and governmental control. In the case of abolitionist feminists, women are held to be passive victims who are in need of governmental protection and saving. Conversely, the liberal stance perceives them as a separate economic class that must be placed under state supervision with its activities regulated and controlled. Importantly, this thesis contributes to the research on international political theory by offering a new interpretation of the debate on HT and prostitution. By employing a comparative case study as means to demonstrate its theoretical argument, it aims to create an alternative understanding of the polarised debate which essentially expresses one overarching framework. As such, it is highly relevant to post-modern feminist theory and gender studies since it presents a new perspective on one of the central and most pressing crises in global gender equality. This assertion is of vital importance for international relations and regionalist debates on state power insofar as it addresses important questions concerning the role of the nation-state in managing domestic affairs, such as prostitution, and tackling international issues, such as HT. In that regard, this paper argues against one of the widely-held beliefs, prevalent in liberal political circles, envisioning a decreased role for post-modern states in international relations and national policies. Instead, it posits that the construction of the two feminist discourses, creating easily governable subjects and enhancing state interventions, and their policy impact on HT and prostitution have successfully worked to solidify the role of the nation-state in addressing both HT and prostitution. Lastly, radical and liberal feminist movements in Sweden and The Netherlands have rendered one of the most successful lobbying efforts in the world which manifests the implications of international and regional political debates on national level. Admittedly, this serves a wider agenda in which national Dutch and Swedish feminist movements embody a culminating success of a global endeavour and as such are of broad importance with indisputably reverberating effects.Show less
The primary goal of this article is to identify the correlation between European integration and the transition to renewable sources of electricity. Several factors, such as environmental concerns...Show moreThe primary goal of this article is to identify the correlation between European integration and the transition to renewable sources of electricity. Several factors, such as environmental concerns and depleting deposits of fossil-fuels, have made the European Union and its member-states decide that in order to secure accessible, cheap and stable electricity, new sources of energy are required. The premise of this article is that past and contemporary European integration in energy policies is built upon energy security in correlation with the specific characteristics of fossil-fuels. The result is a unique combination of international cooperation and national sovereignty which needs to be identified and understood. Therefore, this article will first of all identify past European energy policies based on fossil-fuels. These are the founding documents of the European Coal and Steel Community and the European response to the 1973 oil crisis. These events will be followed by an analysis of EU-wide energy policies in recent year. In the following chapter, several forms of energy which can act as a substitute to fossil-fuels in the EU will be analysed, to precisely define what their specific characteristics are and how they can potentially be used to reduce dependency on fossil-fuels. When this is done, the three case-studies of the Netherlands, Sweden and Bulgaria will serve as a description of how states are currently approaching the transition to renewable sources of electricity, and what kind of problems and limitations they identify. The decision has been made to identify three individual states instead of the EU as a whole because of the fact that each state is in a unique position and is therefore deserving of an individual analysis. This study is relevant because in contemporary academic literature, the topics of European integration in energy policies and renewable energy is often overlooked. Most experts either focus on identifying European policies or the technical aspects of renewable energy, but they are seldom combined. This is problematic because it is almost certain that an increased reliance on renewable energy will have profound effects on societies in EU-member states and on the way the EU is integrated regarding energy policies. The question is therefore not if there is a connection between European integration and renewable sources of electricity, but how the transition to renewable sources in electricity generation influences European Integration within the field of energy cooperation. This article is meant to form as a basis for further research in the connection between the transition to renewable sources of energy and European integration and will therefore be a combination of a description and an analysis.Show less
This thesis seeks to answer the question 'when, how, and why the Danish asylum system become more restrictive than the Swedish one between 1989 and 2001'. In the analysis of these reasons, a...Show moreThis thesis seeks to answer the question 'when, how, and why the Danish asylum system become more restrictive than the Swedish one between 1989 and 2001'. In the analysis of these reasons, a particular emphasis is placed on the different political perceptions of both countries’ welfare philosophies on the one hand, and their political culture on the other. The influence of anti-immigration parties on mainstream political culture is an important part of this analysis. Through a distinction between border and integration policy, it becomes clear that the Danish asylum policy becomes more restrictive in the second half of the 1990s, because of its focus on cultural integration as a duty to the welfare state. The thesis concludes with a discussion regarding the impact of (neoliberal) economic changes on solidarity within political culture.Show less
This thesis aims to give insight into Dutch books that are found in Swedish collections and show how underlying patterns of cultural exchange between the Dutch Republic and Sweden are connected to...Show moreThis thesis aims to give insight into Dutch books that are found in Swedish collections and show how underlying patterns of cultural exchange between the Dutch Republic and Sweden are connected to specific historical collections in Swedish libraries. The research is partially based on bibliographical data of nearly 3.000 books from five different Swedish collections, specifically recorded for this thesis in the Short-Title Catalogue, Netherlands (STCN).Show less
Since the turn of the millennia, considerable rethinking of modern development aid has taken place. In this context, the High Level Fora on Aid Effectiveness which took place in Paris in 2005, and...Show moreSince the turn of the millennia, considerable rethinking of modern development aid has taken place. In this context, the High Level Fora on Aid Effectiveness which took place in Paris in 2005, and Busan in 2011, can both be regarded as important turning points. While the first brought about greater recognition of recipient ownership in the development process, the second strengthened the role of private sector actors. Against this background, this thesis sets out to investigate the ways in which collaboration between public and private actors has been realized in the case of Swedish development aid, and the role that recipient ownership has received in this context. Having been among the most progressive actors in the field of development aid, Sweden has sought close cooperation with the private sector, as well as aid recipients throughout its practices. In order to gain a better understanding of the changes which have taken place over the course of the years, a case study analysis is conducted of Sweden’s past engagement in the form of the ‘Small Industries Program’ in Tanzania on the one hand, and its recent private sector support through the ‘Africa Enterprise Challenge Fund’ on the other.Show less
The role of interpretation as a research tool in social studies has been quite neglected. Yet, its use could be highly beneficial to try and provide alternative explanations to current world issues...Show moreThe role of interpretation as a research tool in social studies has been quite neglected. Yet, its use could be highly beneficial to try and provide alternative explanations to current world issues. This thesis will therefore aim to furnish a comprehensive assessment of interpretation to understand the effects the latter can have on human rights practices. Looking at the most ratified human rights treaty in history, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, as a case in point will show that although interpretation triggers development and can advance children’s rights, it nonetheless perpetuates inequalities for children from one country to another, and with it, undermines the role of universality human rights treaties aim to attain.Show less
As Sweden’s government has begun accepting high numbers of immigrants, the resulting cultural tensions seems to be a secondary concern. Culture can be argued as the basis of a nation-state, and...Show moreAs Sweden’s government has begun accepting high numbers of immigrants, the resulting cultural tensions seems to be a secondary concern. Culture can be argued as the basis of a nation-state, and when culture is threatened the citizens tend to turn against ‘the other’, as they believe them to be the threat (Schwarz and Cauchon 13). The aim with this paper is to explore how various groups in the ethnically heterogeneous country are willing and able to interact, with a focus on how their identity contributes to this interaction. There are certain groups in Sweden that are becoming alienated due to the effect of their cultural identity, two of these groups are the Roma people and the Muslim community (Persson 8).Show less
