The Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian...Show moreThe Syrian conflict has entered its eighth year and due to its longevity, strict sectarian lines have formed. The sectarian narrative does not do justice in explaining the origins of the Syrian conflict, which started with peaceful protests in 2011. Such a narrative is based on a static and primordial view of Syria. As a response to that narrative this thesis uses social class theory to examine the years in Syria’s political economy in the years preceding the 2011 uprising. The five years before the uprising are important from an economic, social and political perspective as Syria initiated a transition to a social market economy. The two research question are as follows: How did Syria’s economic liberalisation from 2006 to 2010 change socioeconomic conditions vis-à-vis Syria’s civil uprising in 2011? And what role does social class play in Syria's socioeconomic grievances? The research questions are answered through case studies of the agricultural sector, investments in Syria, and the economic transition’s connection to the 2011 uprising. The case studies’ results are that socioeconomic conditions of lower and middle classes stagnated or worsened in the years before the uprising, displayed in unemployment and a widening wealth gap. Investments patterns in Syria in the economic liberalisation show how profits went those in the upper and ruling classes with ties to the regime. By that, it is concluded that class played a large role in Syria’s socioeconomic grievances that played a partial role in creating circumstances for the 2011 uprising. The explanation is, nonetheless, not sufficient on its own to explain the 2011 uprising. Future research on Syria’s political economy should continue to focus on classes and other social communities in order to provide better explanations for societal changes.Show less
For several decades, Palestinian refugees have been subject to multiple instances of discrimination, particularly when seeking asylum in neighboring countries such as Lebanon who have long...Show moreFor several decades, Palestinian refugees have been subject to multiple instances of discrimination, particularly when seeking asylum in neighboring countries such as Lebanon who have long advocated against becoming a host nation. Notwithstanding, Lebanese authorities have been rather inconsistent with its decision as proven by the 'Syrian exception' – wherein Syrian refugees have benefitted from Lebanon and Palestine's tumultuous past, and were therefore able to contribute to the overall Lebanese social structure, specifically in terms of boosting the economy.Show less
This thesis seeks to give a more accurate account as to why al-Qaeda and the Islamic State broke off ties amid the Syrian civil war in 2014. To answer this question this thesis mainly draws on...Show moreThis thesis seeks to give a more accurate account as to why al-Qaeda and the Islamic State broke off ties amid the Syrian civil war in 2014. To answer this question this thesis mainly draws on theories about cooperation and competition between terrorist organisations. A study of the effects of these types of relationships, as well as a thorough account of the events leading up to the break in 2014, has furthermore given an insight into this difficult relationship. The thesis introduces the notion of a competitive alliance, combining competitive and cooperative aspects, to make sense of this divorce.Show less
The Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts,...Show moreThe Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts, geopolitical strife and sectarian violence. This thesis examines the European Union's response to this complex conflict through a neorealist lens and a detailed discussion of European policy throughout the years.Show less
The number of residents of Nordic countries, who have joined the contemporary conflicts of Iraq and Syria as foreign fighters, is high in relation to their populations. While most of these...Show moreThe number of residents of Nordic countries, who have joined the contemporary conflicts of Iraq and Syria as foreign fighters, is high in relation to their populations. While most of these individuals have indeed travelled to the conflict zones to become foreign fighters in the ranks of ISIS or other Islamist groups, there are also Nordic residents who have joined factions fighting against the Islamists. This thesis studies the background factors and motivational reasons in becoming a foreign fighter of 26 individuals from Nordic countries in Kurdish factions in the conflicts of Iraq and Syria, combining both primary and secondary sources in the research and linking the findings of the research into existing literature in the emerging field of foreign fighter studies.Show less
The Syrian civil war has evolved from local to a conflict with global repercussions. Russia’s decision to intervene militarily has arguably been of great influence on the Syrian conflict. The main...Show moreThe Syrian civil war has evolved from local to a conflict with global repercussions. Russia’s decision to intervene militarily has arguably been of great influence on the Syrian conflict. The main focus of this thesis is to assess the effectiveness of Russia’s foreign policy regarding Syria, specifically the ongoing Syrian conflict. This is measured by analysing the translation of foreign policy goals into implementation and by determining whether the goals have been met. The groundwork in terms of literature consists of scholarly work on the making and implementation of foreign policy both in general and in relation to Russia. The main chapters are devoted to the goals, implementation and achievements of Russia’s foreign policy with respect to Syria. First, light is shed on the goals of Russia’s foreign policy regarding Syria and their mode of implementation. Then it is determined if and to what extent the foreign policy goals have been met. This then allows for analysis of the factors that have either fostered or constrained the implementation of Russia’s foreign policy goals. Finally, a cautious effort is made to discern future prospects regarding Russia’s foreign policy in Syria.Show less
The struggle between sovereignty and humanitarian intervention remains one of the fundamental controversies in international politics. The 1648 Treaty of Westphalia helped to bring peace to much of...Show moreThe struggle between sovereignty and humanitarian intervention remains one of the fundamental controversies in international politics. The 1648 Treaty of Westphalia helped to bring peace to much of the world through the creation and realisation of national sovereignty, however a growing global consciousness began to resist against this. The ratification of the responsibility to protect (R2P) doctrine in 2005 by the UN General Assembly set the humanitarian interventionist pendulum in motion. Providing a mechanism to facilitate foreign intervention in a sovereign state in order to protect human welfare, the R2P doctrine indicated a shark contrast with the past. Although proving successful in many cases, this doctrine has been pushed to its limits in Libya and Syria. Through content and discourse analysis this paper assesses the impact of the Libyan and Syrian crisis on the R2P doctrine, and as a result questions the feasibility and viability of the doctrine. R2P references in key UN documents show that R2P fails to positively influence decision making in the highest echelons of international diplomacy, while the comments of state representatives show that NATO’s un-mandated regime change in Libya has infected the doctrine. This infection has been so great that in its current form, R2P no-longer has a place in facilitating humanitarian intervention.Show less
In a globalizing world, where experiencing new cultures is on a lot of bucket lists, the study of cultural interaction has become very popular. In our modern day and age, we like to project this...Show moreIn a globalizing world, where experiencing new cultures is on a lot of bucket lists, the study of cultural interaction has become very popular. In our modern day and age, we like to project this etic phenomenon of our modern day globalization onto the ancient world. And not without avail, research has found that cultural interaction did indeed take place in the ancient world, although we need to keep in mind that the emic perspective might have been a bit different from our own. A lot of intercultural interaction took place in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Bronze Age. During this period ships filled with luxurious gifts and exotic merchandise were plying the seas. However, this transfer of material culture did not only occur through trade or gift exchange, but also through warfare and travelling craftsmen. The transfer of non-material culture also took place, for example through the transfer of techniques and ideas. This could also take the form of motif transference. This thesis examines the phenomenon of motif transference between the Aegean, the Near East and Egypt during the Bronze Age. Besides the acculturation between two cultures, it is also possible for cultural interaction to take place between three or more cultures. This is reflected in the art of the Bronze Age, in which some motifs were shared by the artistic traditions of the Aegean, the Near East and Egypt. The transfer in style as well as technology and iconography created a new level of hybridity that lasted until the end of the Late Bronze Age and which is often called the international style. But the objects which are considered to belong to the international style, were not the only ones displaying a common style. Throughout the Eastern Mediterranean frescoes were found with motifs from the Aegean artistic tradition, which were produced during the Middle and Late Bronze Age. They are found in geographically important cities, which were located along important trade routes. These paintings were found at Alalakh, Miletus and Hattusa in Turkey, Qatna in Syria, Tel Kabri in Israel, Tell el-Dab’a, Malkata and Amarna in Egypt and display hybrid influences in iconography as well as technology. The goal of this thesis is to determine if the much-debated international style at present has a too narrow definition, which might need to be expanded to include these frescoes. This study tries to determine whether or not the palatial art found in the Eastern Mediterranean can be seen as a part of the international style.Show less
The relationship between humanitarian aid and peace prospects, and the differences between this in the case of a proxy civil war and a non-proxy civil war is that in a proxy civil war there is a...Show moreThe relationship between humanitarian aid and peace prospects, and the differences between this in the case of a proxy civil war and a non-proxy civil war is that in a proxy civil war there is a greater need for a specific case approach because proxy civil wars are much more complicated. In a non-proxy civil war a peaceful situation has to been agreed on on the local level and humanitarian aid could contribute to peace prospects, in a proxy civil war humanitarian aid affects peace prospects to a lesser degree because of the multi-layered nature of this type of conflict where on all layers of the proxy civil war peace has to be agreed on. Moreover, aid providers, donors, and other (foreign) involved actors have more influence on a proxy civil war than in a non-proxy civil war and therefore humanitarian aid could adversely affect peace prospects.Show less
Many factors influenced the eradication of the peace process between Turkey and the PKK in early 2015. Some scholars argue that the elections in 2015 and Recep Tayyip Erdogan's personal political...Show moreMany factors influenced the eradication of the peace process between Turkey and the PKK in early 2015. Some scholars argue that the elections in 2015 and Recep Tayyip Erdogan's personal political ambitions towards a presidential system were the major factors behind the revival of the violence between Kurdish armed groups and Turkish security forces. Another given argument is the suspended bid of Turkey for accession to the European Union, and the incapability of the EU to enforce reforms within Turkey. Others state that the civil war in Syria, and the policies of Turkey concerning the Kurds in the region was crucial and caused a spill over of the conflict. The central question of this thesis is: what factors have led the Turkish government to change its policies towards the Kurdish groups after 2011 and subsequently led to the end of the Turkey-PKK peace process?Show less
The thesis deals with the reception of Lā Sakākīn fī Maṭābikh Hādhihi al-Madīna, a novel about an aristocratic family living in Aleppo, that disintegrates more and more due to the influence of the...Show moreThe thesis deals with the reception of Lā Sakākīn fī Maṭābikh Hādhihi al-Madīna, a novel about an aristocratic family living in Aleppo, that disintegrates more and more due to the influence of the ruling party. It was composed by Syrian writer Khaled Khalifa, and published in 2013. For the research project, a combination of online sources was examined, namely official reviews published on websites of newspapers, and reader responses on social networking site Goodreads. After giving an overview of reception theory and Arabic literary criticism over time, the method used for analysing the texts is described. It was derived from an article by Wendy Griswold, in which she divided readers into different audiences and described their evaluations. The same is done in the thesis, readers are divided according to the language they communicate in (Arabic vs. English / Dutch), as well as concerning the way they publish their reactions (use of social media vs. official websites). Succeeding chapters discuss important findings, firstly with regard to literary value, secondly regarding politics, and thirdly concerning social morals. Its excellent reception in the Arabic world was called into question, as well as the assumption that ‘Western’ critics do not comment on the literary value of Arabic novels. The thesis concludes by summarising its results, of which the most outstanding may be the critical attitude towards authority of users of social media in combination with their, on the whole, conservative ideas.Show less
An analysation of the differences between the Hafez al-Assad regime and that of his son Bashar al-Assad in Syria. Why did the Uprisings lead to Civil War under Bashar but not under Hafez?
“In a region beset with chronic and widespread problems, ranging from poor governance, war, violent extremism, and resource scarcity, one threat stands above the rest in terms of potential for...Show more“In a region beset with chronic and widespread problems, ranging from poor governance, war, violent extremism, and resource scarcity, one threat stands above the rest in terms of potential for destruction and cost in opportunity: the use of sectarianism as a geopolitical weapon. Sectarianism encourages extremist rhetoric and violence and serves to distract a populations from economic and social concerns by providing a convenient enemy on which to focus.” This quote by the Soufan group, a strategic security consulting group, displays an opinion that is shared by mainstream media across the globe. The Middle East has apparently fallen into a state of religious extremism where violent sectarianism is every day’s business. Current day Syria seems to be the focal point of all this sectarian violence. This paper tries to analyse what exactly that sectarian violence entails in the SYrian Civil War, and whether we should indeed look at it as a sectarian conflict, or rather a conflict with sectarian aspects.Show less
In the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way...Show moreIn the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way to becoming a great nation, thus expectations that the Chinese leadership steps up to this task are mounting. Traditional Chinese foreign policy is based on respect for the sovereignty of other nations, non-intervention and laissez-faire in general. Greater economic interests in areas abroad are in conflict with these traditional principles. In this thesis we have therefore researched whether China is putting economic and diplomatic pragmatism ahead of principle. While Beijing attempts to avoid involvement in matters that are not of national interest, we will see from two case studies - based on the Libyan civil war and the Syrian civil war - that this has become increasingly difficult. Moreover, when looking at UN peacekeeping operations we see that China is an actively contributing P5 member. It seems that 'wuwei' (or not-doing), is becoming an untenable stance in a globalizing world.Show less