During the past decade, the Syrian civil war has put a halt to almost all archaeological research in Syria. But the sites, and the people who take care of them, remain. Within North-East Syria,...Show moreDuring the past decade, the Syrian civil war has put a halt to almost all archaeological research in Syria. But the sites, and the people who take care of them, remain. Within North-East Syria, archaeologists are left to pick up the pieces from what has turned into one of the 21st century’s longest conflicts to date. Simultaneously, a political revolution, partly driven by a left-wing anti-state ideology known as Democratic Confederalism, has taken hold of the region. A radical revision of all previous government structures occurred, including heritage organisations. In this thesis, the way these structures operate and the history that gave way to them is investigated through the use of interviews with relevant participants. By placing this in the broader context of the Kurdish Freedom Movement and the Syrian Civil War, we can uncover the until- now unreported efforts to revive Syria’s archaeological scene on the ground. Motivated by a new political paradigm and the experiences of decades of marginalisation, North-East Syria’s new heritage and archaeology institutions have put in a tremendous effort to save the troubled region’s antiquities. At the same time, the progressive political outlook of this autonomous region also permeates it’s heritage institutions, with decentralised democracy, gender parity and multiculturalism being key features of their organisations.Show less
The Syrian civil war caused an enormous refugee flow towards Europe, especially in the years 2015 and 2016. Although the Netherlands and Germany are strongly interconnected, their response to the...Show moreThe Syrian civil war caused an enormous refugee flow towards Europe, especially in the years 2015 and 2016. Although the Netherlands and Germany are strongly interconnected, their response to the refugee crisis differed. Germany accepted a lot more refugees than the Netherlands. To investigate where this difference could come from, this research has endeavoured to answer the question: To which extent can the difference of policy in the 2015 refugee crisis between Germany and The Netherlands be explained by Kingdon's stream model?. Kingdon (1995) recognized three flowing streams that, at the moment they come together, create a policy window in which policy can be implemented. Qualitative content analysis has been performed on newspaper articles containing specific terms, regarding the crisis, in Germany and the Netherlands in the years 2015 and 2016. On the basis of a code tree the articles were analysed to examine Kingdon's multiple stream theory and their role in policy implementation in the Netherlands and Germany. The countries did not differ on many concepts, but on some they did. The influence of international partnerships affected the political stream. The pressure from other countries turned out to be more on Germany than on the Netherlands. This pressure led to the opening of the German borders for refugees via Hungary. Kingdon's theory turned out to be suitable for the case analysis. Yet, the adaption of the theory to the time and location of the case was useful. This research focussed on German and Dutch articles, for which precise translations in the data collection are used. Nevertheless, the possibility of proverbial differences between languages can lead to disproportional data collection. For further research cooperation with German researcher could be a solution to perform further analysis.Show less
In the past decade, the Syrian civil war has seen several tactics and strategies, including chemical weapons. Various academics have published journal articles about the usage and the deterrence of...Show moreIn the past decade, the Syrian civil war has seen several tactics and strategies, including chemical weapons. Various academics have published journal articles about the usage and the deterrence of chemical weapons, but not many have argued the reasons to use these unconventional weapons. This is the gap of knowledge this thesis tries to answer. The research question is: “Why has the military strategy from the Syrian regime incorporated the use of chemical weapons in 2013 and 2017?”. The purpose of war and the strategies of war by Clausewitz (1873/1984), the deterrence theory by Schelling (1966), and the statements made by the interviewees have helped this research to an answer. It can be concluded that the al-Assad regime has rationally used chemical weapons. Although not decisive in gaining territory, it was certainly effective in stopping the advance of the rebels, discouraging them from fighting, and targeting the psychological well-being of the rebels and civilians in rebel-held areas.Show less
This thesis analyzes how Vladimir Putin uses ethos and pathos to justify his foreign policy in Syria, Donbas and Crimea. To answer this question, 27 of his original Russian speeches on these topics...Show moreThis thesis analyzes how Vladimir Putin uses ethos and pathos to justify his foreign policy in Syria, Donbas and Crimea. To answer this question, 27 of his original Russian speeches on these topics have been subjected to a Critical Discourse Analysis, engaging with the insights of ancient and contemporary rhetoric scholars. The results show that Putin consistently weaves three narratives that run like a thread through his speeches. First, Putin presents himself as a kind, intelligent, and respectful leader who has an adequate amount of experience and supports the people. Second, Putin persistently shows that Russia only has good intentions for the world. Last, Russia finally stands up for its interests after years of suppression and humiliation by the hypocrite West. These results not just illustrate the rhetorical techniques that underlay Putin’s account of Russia’s foreign policy. They also provide an insight into the worldview of the vast majority of Russians because of a media monopoly of the Kremlin. As such, this thesis contributes to a growing corpus of research that emphasizes how Putin’s words are of importance.Show less
Russia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries...Show moreRussia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries from threats through military cooperation,conflict mediation and anti-interventionism to gain influence.Show less
A comparative historical research upon the situation and its development of the identities of the Alevite and Alawite minorities within Turkey and Syria.
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
The colonial partition of the Middle East is one of the most recurrent topics of the scholarship on the region. In the last decade, many scholars have shifted their attention from the diplomatic...Show moreThe colonial partition of the Middle East is one of the most recurrent topics of the scholarship on the region. In the last decade, many scholars have shifted their attention from the diplomatic and military history of these borders to their economic and social significance. This thesis aims at completing this shift in regard to the boundary between the British Mandate on Palestine and the French Mandate on Syria and Lebanon. Assuming a borderland perspective, this research looks into the different ways in which local, regional and colonial actors engaged with the border and its administration. It reconstructs the evolution of state border practices on both sides in the years from the British redeployment along the OET line in 1919 until the demise of the Palestine Mandate in 1948. Looking into the agency of a wide range of actors, including peasants, travelers, smugglers and illegal migrants, this thesis argues that the relation the indigenous population had with the border cannot be understood solely through an oppositional frame. Rather, it suggests that this relation was extremely dynamic, and that the subversion of the new territorial order went along with forms of compliance with state regulations and exploitation of the limits of state jurisdictions.Show less
One of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked...Show moreOne of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked humanitarian aid from entering its territory, based on the principle of sovereignty. Theoretically, international aid organizations have impartial access to deliver humanitarian aid when necessary, based on the fundamental humanitarian principles. Paradoxically, these fundamental principles have limited aid organizations to execute their work and compromises needed to be made with the Assad government in order to obtain access. Ever since the beginning of the conflict, humanitarian aid has been unequally distributed via government channels between government- and opposition controlled areas in Syria. It has become a strategy of warfare for the Assad regime, perpetuating violence and advancing legitimization and support for the nation’s regime. Simultaneously, international aid organizations created cross-border operations in order to circumvent this demonstration of the politicization of humanitarianism. This thesis extensively addresses this phenomenon and its consequences, by examining the central research question: To what extent has the politicization of humanitarianism impeded neutral emergency food aid delivery by international aid organizations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2019?Show less
This paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation...Show moreThis paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation makes use of an adapted version of Bovens’ Framework for Accountability, incorporating five different forms of accountability – political, legal, professional, social, and economic. Through the application of this framework onto two case studies of Wagner Group in Syria and Blackwater USA in Iraq, it is evident that the use of limited accountability through only one or two forms of accountability is insufficient. It was found that in order for PMSCs to be rendered accountable to an unbiased independent body as suggested by this author, all forms of accountability should be used simultaneously. This paper further examines reiterating the importance of the oft-neglected social accountability, and how the role of morality at the human and public opinion level can shape the way in which regulatory measures apply. Through these findings, this thesis recommends the implementation of a series of new legislative measures, which utilise a multi-pronged approach incorporating not only legal methods, but social, political, professional, and economic measuresShow less
Through a comprehensive analysis of the news coverage on the Syrian war by The Guardian, The Washington Post and The New York Times, the role of the media is assessed. The textual analysis was...Show moreThrough a comprehensive analysis of the news coverage on the Syrian war by The Guardian, The Washington Post and The New York Times, the role of the media is assessed. The textual analysis was carried out on almost 5000 articles from the three outlets. It thus explores the possibility of technical tools to analyse the coverage and discourse of the media.Show less
This thesis analyses the influence that news media can have in conflicts, especially through the production and circulation of conspiracy theories. It demonstrates how conspiracy theories...Show moreThis thesis analyses the influence that news media can have in conflicts, especially through the production and circulation of conspiracy theories. It demonstrates how conspiracy theories surrounding chemical attacks in Syria affected the media discourse of RT, the BBC and the New York Times and researches to what extent this was aimed at influencing public opinion and international policy making in favour of their respective government’s policies in the Syrian conflict. Firstly, previous case studies are reflected upon, most importantly Chomsky & Herman’s ‘Propaganda Model’. Secondly, the proxy war in Syria and its most important participants ’foreign policies are outlined. Next, this knowledge is applied in the paper’s analysis of the reporting of RT, the BBC and the New York Times in the Syrian conflict. It looks specifically at their reporting on conspiracy theories surrounding the 2013 & 2018 Ghouta and Douma chemical weapons attacks, and how it relates to their respective government’s policy in the conflict. These observations lead to the conclusions that conspiracy theories have significantly influenced the discourses of all the analysed news media in their reporting on these events, and that their reporting generally reflects their government’s foreign policy towards the conflict. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a pattern of strategies used by each of the news media outlets, which are potentially deployed in an attempt to direct their audiences towards embracing their respective government’s stances and policies towards the Syrian conflict. These conclusions reveal that there is likely an information war running parallel to the proxy conflict.Show less
The attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the...Show moreThe attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the concept was rejected multiple times in the framework of international law, and now amounts to a groundless menace, incapable of generating consequences for the perpetrators. This thesis uses critical concept analysis to understand why international organizations keep using the concept "cultural cleansing" despite its recurrent exclusion from international law, and what consequences this concept encompasses.Show less
This research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to...Show moreThis research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to understand his contrasting policies towards and harsh repression of the independent civil society sector. Consequently, it describes the manner in which independent civil society has developed since 2011, linking it to rebel civil governance. Finally, the research project concludes with a case study of a CSO founded in 2011. The case study provides insight into the struggles and opportunities of the sector on a concrete level.Show less
تتناول هذه الورقة البحثية العلاقة الإشكالية في الواقع العربي المعاصر بين العلمانية والإسلام السياسي من خلال تتبع الموقف من هذين الموضوعين لدى اثنين من أعمدة الفكر العلماني في سوريا والعالم العربي....Show moreتتناول هذه الورقة البحثية العلاقة الإشكالية في الواقع العربي المعاصر بين العلمانية والإسلام السياسي من خلال تتبع الموقف من هذين الموضوعين لدى اثنين من أعمدة الفكر العلماني في سوريا والعالم العربي. المفكر الأول هو الفيلسوف السوري صادق جلال العظم الذي عرف بانتقاده الحاد للفكر الإسلامي بشكل عام ولتيارات الإسلام السياسي بشكل خاص أما المفكر الثاني فهو الشاعر علي أحمد سعيد إسبر المعروف بأدونيس والذي يشترك مع العظم في نهجه الرافض للإسلام السياسي والداعي لتغيير جذري في الواقع العربي للاستجابة لتحديات العصر. يركز البحث على موقف المفكرين المذكورين من حدثين مفصليين في المنطقة العربية هما الثورة الإيرانية (1979) والثورة السورية (2011)، وذلك من خلال تحليل ما صدر عنهما من مواقف متضمنة في المؤلفات أو المقالات أو اللقاءات الصحفية لكل منهما, حيث يلحظ تبايناً واضحاً بين موقفهما من هاتين الثورتين بما يطرح تساؤلاً مهماً حول علاقة خلفياتهما المذهبية بالتحولات التي طرأت على موقف كل منهما تجاه الإسلام السياسي خلال هاتين الثورتين. تم تخصيص قسمين منفصلين لتحليل توجهات كلا المفكرين على امتداد حياتهما الفكرية مع إبراز التمايز الكبير في موقفهما من الثورتين السورية والإيرانية ومن المضامين الإسلامية التي حملتها هاتين الثورتين، حيث يبرز تحليل مواقف كل منهما الاتساق المثير للتساؤل بين الانتماء الطائفي لديهما والانحياز للثورة التي يشكل المكون الطائفي الذي ينتميان إليه أكثرية واضحة فيها. الراحل صادق جلال العظم الذي ينتمي بخلفيته المذهبية إلى الإسلام السني أعرب مبكراً عن انتقاده للتجربة الخمينية المستندة للمرجعية الشيعية في حكم إيران وجاهر برفضه لأي دور للإسلام في الحياة السياسية لكن تحولاً كبيراً طرأ على موقفه هذا خلال العقود التي تلت الثورة الإيرانية إلى أن انتهى به المطاف إلى التأييد الكامل وغير المشروط للثورة السورية التي انطلقت من حواضن الأكثرية السنية في سوريا، وذلك بالرغم من حضور الإسلام السياسي الكثيف في تلك الثورة. أما أدونيس ذو الخلفية المذهبية العلوية الأقرب للتشيع فلم يجد حرجاً في أن يكون من أوائل المشجعين للثورة الإيرانية رغم طابعها الإسلامي الواضح ورغم تناقض هذا الدعم مع مجمل طروحاته السابقة، لكنه بالمقابل أظهر تحفظاً واضحاً في إظهار أي قدر من التأييد للثورة السورية واختار الانحياز للنظام البعثي السوري رغم تهجمه المتكرر في السابق على التجربة البعثية في الحكم. القسم الثالث في البحث يتناول ردود الأفعال في الأوساط الثقافية السورية والعالمية على هذه التحولات التي طرأت على توجهات المفكرين والمحاولات الجادة لتفسير هذه التحولات. يخلص البحث إلى أنه بالرغم من تعذر إثبات جنوح واضح لدى أي من المفكرين لتأسيس مواقفهما الفكرية على قواعد انتماءاتهما الطائفية ومع أن التحولات التي شهدتها مواقفهما تجاه الثورتين الإيرانية والسورية لا يمكن الجزم بكونها نتيجة انحياز واع لانتماء طائفي معين، لكن مع كل ما سبق تظل الخلفية الطائفية وما ينتج عنها من ذاكرة جمعية و تصورات ذهنية مسبقة للآخر ونواياه عوامل لا يمكن إنكارها في تشكيل مواقف كلا المفكرين وتحديد توجهاتهما من القضايا المعاصرة ومقاربتهما للعلمانية والإسلام السياسي.Show less
The argument presented in this thesis is that constructivist theory offers a useful tool to interpret the effect that CW use has on the international community. It is the social identities and the...Show moreThe argument presented in this thesis is that constructivist theory offers a useful tool to interpret the effect that CW use has on the international community. It is the social identities and the strong prohibitive norm when it comes to the use of CW that construes a reality in which narratives of justification are produced when it comes to the use of force. This moral reality cannot be explained solely rationally, but has roots in decades of social interaction, which makes that violations of norms concerning CWs are put higher on the international agenda than other violations. The relevance of this study lies in the reflection on constructivism as a theoretical tool, but also in its aim to contribute to a broader understanding of how certain types of harm raise more attention in international politics: what causes the international community to be concerned about norm violation? As obvious as the answer of ‘inhumane practices’ seems, it is just a small percentage of suffering that becomes an international concern. The following puzzle has led to the research question: how can we explain the international community’s particular concern about violations of the norm on the prohibition of chemical weapons by using constructivist theory?Show less
