This paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation...Show moreThis paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation makes use of an adapted version of Bovens’ Framework for Accountability, incorporating five different forms of accountability – political, legal, professional, social, and economic. Through the application of this framework onto two case studies of Wagner Group in Syria and Blackwater USA in Iraq, it is evident that the use of limited accountability through only one or two forms of accountability is insufficient. It was found that in order for PMSCs to be rendered accountable to an unbiased independent body as suggested by this author, all forms of accountability should be used simultaneously. This paper further examines reiterating the importance of the oft-neglected social accountability, and how the role of morality at the human and public opinion level can shape the way in which regulatory measures apply. Through these findings, this thesis recommends the implementation of a series of new legislative measures, which utilise a multi-pronged approach incorporating not only legal methods, but social, political, professional, and economic measuresShow less
Through a comprehensive analysis of the news coverage on the Syrian war by The Guardian, The Washington Post and The New York Times, the role of the media is assessed. The textual analysis was...Show moreThrough a comprehensive analysis of the news coverage on the Syrian war by The Guardian, The Washington Post and The New York Times, the role of the media is assessed. The textual analysis was carried out on almost 5000 articles from the three outlets. It thus explores the possibility of technical tools to analyse the coverage and discourse of the media.Show less
The inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues...Show moreThe inconsistent application of the United Nations (UN) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine has facilitated a discussion on the legitimacy of the principle. While the legal and ethical issues concerning R2P have been examined in detail, scholars have mostly neglected its practical dimension. In order to interpret the inconsistent implementation of R2P, the cases of Syria and the Central African Republic (CAR) serve as a comparative framework. Thereby, this paper argues that the geopolitical interests of the Security Council’s permanent member states had a major impact on the adoption of R2P’s non-coercive and coercive instruments. From these case studies and the UNSC’s in/-action three implications for R2P are inferred: that the conditions for the successful implementation of the principle are dependent on the P5, that its application does not in fact delegitimise the doctrine and that a reformist approach can improve the inconsistencies in international response.Show less
This thesis analyses the influence that news media can have in conflicts, especially through the production and circulation of conspiracy theories. It demonstrates how conspiracy theories...Show moreThis thesis analyses the influence that news media can have in conflicts, especially through the production and circulation of conspiracy theories. It demonstrates how conspiracy theories surrounding chemical attacks in Syria affected the media discourse of RT, the BBC and the New York Times and researches to what extent this was aimed at influencing public opinion and international policy making in favour of their respective government’s policies in the Syrian conflict. Firstly, previous case studies are reflected upon, most importantly Chomsky & Herman’s ‘Propaganda Model’. Secondly, the proxy war in Syria and its most important participants ’foreign policies are outlined. Next, this knowledge is applied in the paper’s analysis of the reporting of RT, the BBC and the New York Times in the Syrian conflict. It looks specifically at their reporting on conspiracy theories surrounding the 2013 & 2018 Ghouta and Douma chemical weapons attacks, and how it relates to their respective government’s policy in the conflict. These observations lead to the conclusions that conspiracy theories have significantly influenced the discourses of all the analysed news media in their reporting on these events, and that their reporting generally reflects their government’s foreign policy towards the conflict. Furthermore, the analysis reveals a pattern of strategies used by each of the news media outlets, which are potentially deployed in an attempt to direct their audiences towards embracing their respective government’s stances and policies towards the Syrian conflict. These conclusions reveal that there is likely an information war running parallel to the proxy conflict.Show less
The attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the...Show moreThe attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the concept was rejected multiple times in the framework of international law, and now amounts to a groundless menace, incapable of generating consequences for the perpetrators. This thesis uses critical concept analysis to understand why international organizations keep using the concept "cultural cleansing" despite its recurrent exclusion from international law, and what consequences this concept encompasses.Show less
On April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that...Show moreOn April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that started in 2011 slowly unfolded into a larger regional and international conflict. The complexity of alliances in the Syrian conflict might be a reason of the long-lasting hostilities that still continue today. This thesis investigated the role of two main actors in the Syrian conflict: the United States and Russia. This study aimed to answer the following research question: how are the US-Russian relations in the UNSC on the Syrian conflict from March 2011-June 2018? In a heightened atmosphere in international relations, it is important to find out if more room for cooperation between the two countries exists within the UNSC framework. A document analysis of the UNSC meeting records, presidential statements and (draft) resolutions from 2011-2018 has been conducted. The contribution of this study lies in the systematic analysis of the UNSC minutes on the Syrian conflict which enables the author to draw conclusions over the entirety of the war. By looking at three main categories – the use of chemical weapons, humanitarian assistance, and the political peace process – this thesis found out that the US and Russia seem to agree on a broader level, but that filling in the details proves to be problematic.Show less
Gaining access remainsone ofthe main impediments to the United Nations humanitarian response in Syria. Since 2011, the Syrian government has systematically blocked the United Nations from accessing...Show moreGaining access remainsone ofthe main impediments to the United Nations humanitarian response in Syria. Since 2011, the Syrian government has systematically blocked the United Nations from accessing populations in opposition-held areas. In theory, the Humanitarian Principles Neutrality and Independence provide the framework for gaining impartial access to conflict settings. Ironically, however, in practice the need to gain access has pushed the United Nations to compromise the Humanitarian Principles and comply to President Assad’s demands. While the United Nations’ compromises enable it to access at least government approved areas, these compromises have also facilitated Assad’s siege warfare tactic, population displacements and thereby re-shaped Syria’s socio-political landscape. Analysis of the Syrian conflict often focuses on President Assad’s role in perpetuating violence. Yet, the United Nations’ aid operation plays a similarly crucial role in shaping the dynamic and political outcome of the Syrian conflict. This paper therefore asks; To what extent has the United Nations adhered to the Humanitarian Principles Neutrality and Independence in its operations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2017 and what are the implications?Show less
This research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to...Show moreThis research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to understand his contrasting policies towards and harsh repression of the independent civil society sector. Consequently, it describes the manner in which independent civil society has developed since 2011, linking it to rebel civil governance. Finally, the research project concludes with a case study of a CSO founded in 2011. The case study provides insight into the struggles and opportunities of the sector on a concrete level.Show less
تتناول هذه الورقة البحثية العلاقة الإشكالية في الواقع العربي المعاصر بين العلمانية والإسلام السياسي من خلال تتبع الموقف من هذين الموضوعين لدى اثنين من أعمدة الفكر العلماني في سوريا والعالم العربي....Show moreتتناول هذه الورقة البحثية العلاقة الإشكالية في الواقع العربي المعاصر بين العلمانية والإسلام السياسي من خلال تتبع الموقف من هذين الموضوعين لدى اثنين من أعمدة الفكر العلماني في سوريا والعالم العربي. المفكر الأول هو الفيلسوف السوري صادق جلال العظم الذي عرف بانتقاده الحاد للفكر الإسلامي بشكل عام ولتيارات الإسلام السياسي بشكل خاص أما المفكر الثاني فهو الشاعر علي أحمد سعيد إسبر المعروف بأدونيس والذي يشترك مع العظم في نهجه الرافض للإسلام السياسي والداعي لتغيير جذري في الواقع العربي للاستجابة لتحديات العصر. يركز البحث على موقف المفكرين المذكورين من حدثين مفصليين في المنطقة العربية هما الثورة الإيرانية (1979) والثورة السورية (2011)، وذلك من خلال تحليل ما صدر عنهما من مواقف متضمنة في المؤلفات أو المقالات أو اللقاءات الصحفية لكل منهما, حيث يلحظ تبايناً واضحاً بين موقفهما من هاتين الثورتين بما يطرح تساؤلاً مهماً حول علاقة خلفياتهما المذهبية بالتحولات التي طرأت على موقف كل منهما تجاه الإسلام السياسي خلال هاتين الثورتين. تم تخصيص قسمين منفصلين لتحليل توجهات كلا المفكرين على امتداد حياتهما الفكرية مع إبراز التمايز الكبير في موقفهما من الثورتين السورية والإيرانية ومن المضامين الإسلامية التي حملتها هاتين الثورتين، حيث يبرز تحليل مواقف كل منهما الاتساق المثير للتساؤل بين الانتماء الطائفي لديهما والانحياز للثورة التي يشكل المكون الطائفي الذي ينتميان إليه أكثرية واضحة فيها. الراحل صادق جلال العظم الذي ينتمي بخلفيته المذهبية إلى الإسلام السني أعرب مبكراً عن انتقاده للتجربة الخمينية المستندة للمرجعية الشيعية في حكم إيران وجاهر برفضه لأي دور للإسلام في الحياة السياسية لكن تحولاً كبيراً طرأ على موقفه هذا خلال العقود التي تلت الثورة الإيرانية إلى أن انتهى به المطاف إلى التأييد الكامل وغير المشروط للثورة السورية التي انطلقت من حواضن الأكثرية السنية في سوريا، وذلك بالرغم من حضور الإسلام السياسي الكثيف في تلك الثورة. أما أدونيس ذو الخلفية المذهبية العلوية الأقرب للتشيع فلم يجد حرجاً في أن يكون من أوائل المشجعين للثورة الإيرانية رغم طابعها الإسلامي الواضح ورغم تناقض هذا الدعم مع مجمل طروحاته السابقة، لكنه بالمقابل أظهر تحفظاً واضحاً في إظهار أي قدر من التأييد للثورة السورية واختار الانحياز للنظام البعثي السوري رغم تهجمه المتكرر في السابق على التجربة البعثية في الحكم. القسم الثالث في البحث يتناول ردود الأفعال في الأوساط الثقافية السورية والعالمية على هذه التحولات التي طرأت على توجهات المفكرين والمحاولات الجادة لتفسير هذه التحولات. يخلص البحث إلى أنه بالرغم من تعذر إثبات جنوح واضح لدى أي من المفكرين لتأسيس مواقفهما الفكرية على قواعد انتماءاتهما الطائفية ومع أن التحولات التي شهدتها مواقفهما تجاه الثورتين الإيرانية والسورية لا يمكن الجزم بكونها نتيجة انحياز واع لانتماء طائفي معين، لكن مع كل ما سبق تظل الخلفية الطائفية وما ينتج عنها من ذاكرة جمعية و تصورات ذهنية مسبقة للآخر ونواياه عوامل لا يمكن إنكارها في تشكيل مواقف كلا المفكرين وتحديد توجهاتهما من القضايا المعاصرة ومقاربتهما للعلمانية والإسلام السياسي.Show less
