During the past decade, the Syrian civil war has put a halt to almost all archaeological research in Syria. But the sites, and the people who take care of them, remain. Within North-East Syria,...Show moreDuring the past decade, the Syrian civil war has put a halt to almost all archaeological research in Syria. But the sites, and the people who take care of them, remain. Within North-East Syria, archaeologists are left to pick up the pieces from what has turned into one of the 21st century’s longest conflicts to date. Simultaneously, a political revolution, partly driven by a left-wing anti-state ideology known as Democratic Confederalism, has taken hold of the region. A radical revision of all previous government structures occurred, including heritage organisations. In this thesis, the way these structures operate and the history that gave way to them is investigated through the use of interviews with relevant participants. By placing this in the broader context of the Kurdish Freedom Movement and the Syrian Civil War, we can uncover the until- now unreported efforts to revive Syria’s archaeological scene on the ground. Motivated by a new political paradigm and the experiences of decades of marginalisation, North-East Syria’s new heritage and archaeology institutions have put in a tremendous effort to save the troubled region’s antiquities. At the same time, the progressive political outlook of this autonomous region also permeates it’s heritage institutions, with decentralised democracy, gender parity and multiculturalism being key features of their organisations.Show less
This thesis investigates the processes of repression and exclusion of the Palestinian refugee in the Arab host-state. A theoretical framework using theories from Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt,...Show moreThis thesis investigates the processes of repression and exclusion of the Palestinian refugee in the Arab host-state. A theoretical framework using theories from Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt, Giorgio Agamben, Michael Hardt, and Antonio Negri, is used to analyse the situation of the refugee in the three case studies of Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. It is argued that biopolitics are employed to control and exclude the Palestinian refugee. The host-state excuses this exclusion through the retoric of the incommensurability of the right of return to Palestine with citizenship of the host-state. Gaining citizenship of the host-state supposedly cancels the right of return to Palestine. This discourse is a tool that is employed by the host-states when he refugee proses a threat to their status quo. This thesis disagrees with this supposed incommensurability argueing that the two can co-exist. Furthermore, an analysis of the situation of the Palestinian refugee in the case studies leads to the conclusion that Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben were right when argueing that the nation-state is the only institution capable of upholding human rights and that without citizenship the refugee is vulnerable and without protection. Because of this, serious steps need to be taken towards citizenship for the Palestinian refugee.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
Freshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between...Show moreFreshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between multiple countries. Despite multiple predictions by scholars and experts, states often do not go to war over freshwater. Instead, most disputes end in the signing of a treaty. However, these treaties are not always fair and do not, actually, always end conflict. In the view of this research, treaties are merely a way in which states fight, without using violence, and should thus be seen as a part of ongoing conflict, rather than the end of it. In addition, despite theoretical predictions, international organisations do not play a large role in the creation of River Basin Organisations and neither do hydrohegemons.Show less
The Syrian civil war caused an enormous refugee flow towards Europe, especially in the years 2015 and 2016. Although the Netherlands and Germany are strongly interconnected, their response to the...Show moreThe Syrian civil war caused an enormous refugee flow towards Europe, especially in the years 2015 and 2016. Although the Netherlands and Germany are strongly interconnected, their response to the refugee crisis differed. Germany accepted a lot more refugees than the Netherlands. To investigate where this difference could come from, this research has endeavoured to answer the question: To which extent can the difference of policy in the 2015 refugee crisis between Germany and The Netherlands be explained by Kingdon's stream model?. Kingdon (1995) recognized three flowing streams that, at the moment they come together, create a policy window in which policy can be implemented. Qualitative content analysis has been performed on newspaper articles containing specific terms, regarding the crisis, in Germany and the Netherlands in the years 2015 and 2016. On the basis of a code tree the articles were analysed to examine Kingdon's multiple stream theory and their role in policy implementation in the Netherlands and Germany. The countries did not differ on many concepts, but on some they did. The influence of international partnerships affected the political stream. The pressure from other countries turned out to be more on Germany than on the Netherlands. This pressure led to the opening of the German borders for refugees via Hungary. Kingdon's theory turned out to be suitable for the case analysis. Yet, the adaption of the theory to the time and location of the case was useful. This research focussed on German and Dutch articles, for which precise translations in the data collection are used. Nevertheless, the possibility of proverbial differences between languages can lead to disproportional data collection. For further research cooperation with German researcher could be a solution to perform further analysis.Show less
In the past decade, the Syrian civil war has seen several tactics and strategies, including chemical weapons. Various academics have published journal articles about the usage and the deterrence of...Show moreIn the past decade, the Syrian civil war has seen several tactics and strategies, including chemical weapons. Various academics have published journal articles about the usage and the deterrence of chemical weapons, but not many have argued the reasons to use these unconventional weapons. This is the gap of knowledge this thesis tries to answer. The research question is: “Why has the military strategy from the Syrian regime incorporated the use of chemical weapons in 2013 and 2017?”. The purpose of war and the strategies of war by Clausewitz (1873/1984), the deterrence theory by Schelling (1966), and the statements made by the interviewees have helped this research to an answer. It can be concluded that the al-Assad regime has rationally used chemical weapons. Although not decisive in gaining territory, it was certainly effective in stopping the advance of the rebels, discouraging them from fighting, and targeting the psychological well-being of the rebels and civilians in rebel-held areas.Show less
This thesis analyzes how Vladimir Putin uses ethos and pathos to justify his foreign policy in Syria, Donbas and Crimea. To answer this question, 27 of his original Russian speeches on these topics...Show moreThis thesis analyzes how Vladimir Putin uses ethos and pathos to justify his foreign policy in Syria, Donbas and Crimea. To answer this question, 27 of his original Russian speeches on these topics have been subjected to a Critical Discourse Analysis, engaging with the insights of ancient and contemporary rhetoric scholars. The results show that Putin consistently weaves three narratives that run like a thread through his speeches. First, Putin presents himself as a kind, intelligent, and respectful leader who has an adequate amount of experience and supports the people. Second, Putin persistently shows that Russia only has good intentions for the world. Last, Russia finally stands up for its interests after years of suppression and humiliation by the hypocrite West. These results not just illustrate the rhetorical techniques that underlay Putin’s account of Russia’s foreign policy. They also provide an insight into the worldview of the vast majority of Russians because of a media monopoly of the Kremlin. As such, this thesis contributes to a growing corpus of research that emphasizes how Putin’s words are of importance.Show less
Russia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries...Show moreRussia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries from threats through military cooperation,conflict mediation and anti-interventionism to gain influence.Show less
A comparative historical research upon the situation and its development of the identities of the Alevite and Alawite minorities within Turkey and Syria.
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
closed access
The colonial partition of the Middle East is one of the most recurrent topics of the scholarship on the region. In the last decade, many scholars have shifted their attention from the diplomatic...Show moreThe colonial partition of the Middle East is one of the most recurrent topics of the scholarship on the region. In the last decade, many scholars have shifted their attention from the diplomatic and military history of these borders to their economic and social significance. This thesis aims at completing this shift in regard to the boundary between the British Mandate on Palestine and the French Mandate on Syria and Lebanon. Assuming a borderland perspective, this research looks into the different ways in which local, regional and colonial actors engaged with the border and its administration. It reconstructs the evolution of state border practices on both sides in the years from the British redeployment along the OET line in 1919 until the demise of the Palestine Mandate in 1948. Looking into the agency of a wide range of actors, including peasants, travelers, smugglers and illegal migrants, this thesis argues that the relation the indigenous population had with the border cannot be understood solely through an oppositional frame. Rather, it suggests that this relation was extremely dynamic, and that the subversion of the new territorial order went along with forms of compliance with state regulations and exploitation of the limits of state jurisdictions.Show less
One of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked...Show moreOne of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked humanitarian aid from entering its territory, based on the principle of sovereignty. Theoretically, international aid organizations have impartial access to deliver humanitarian aid when necessary, based on the fundamental humanitarian principles. Paradoxically, these fundamental principles have limited aid organizations to execute their work and compromises needed to be made with the Assad government in order to obtain access. Ever since the beginning of the conflict, humanitarian aid has been unequally distributed via government channels between government- and opposition controlled areas in Syria. It has become a strategy of warfare for the Assad regime, perpetuating violence and advancing legitimization and support for the nation’s regime. Simultaneously, international aid organizations created cross-border operations in order to circumvent this demonstration of the politicization of humanitarianism. This thesis extensively addresses this phenomenon and its consequences, by examining the central research question: To what extent has the politicization of humanitarianism impeded neutral emergency food aid delivery by international aid organizations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2019?Show less
This paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation...Show moreThis paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation makes use of an adapted version of Bovens’ Framework for Accountability, incorporating five different forms of accountability – political, legal, professional, social, and economic. Through the application of this framework onto two case studies of Wagner Group in Syria and Blackwater USA in Iraq, it is evident that the use of limited accountability through only one or two forms of accountability is insufficient. It was found that in order for PMSCs to be rendered accountable to an unbiased independent body as suggested by this author, all forms of accountability should be used simultaneously. This paper further examines reiterating the importance of the oft-neglected social accountability, and how the role of morality at the human and public opinion level can shape the way in which regulatory measures apply. Through these findings, this thesis recommends the implementation of a series of new legislative measures, which utilise a multi-pronged approach incorporating not only legal methods, but social, political, professional, and economic measuresShow less
