Although the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is described as a universal norm, it has long been contested by postcolonial and decolonial scholarship. Considering the Russian invasion and occupation...Show moreAlthough the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is described as a universal norm, it has long been contested by postcolonial and decolonial scholarship. Considering the Russian invasion and occupation of Ukraine, the conflict provides a rare possibility to compare the use of R2P between states in the Global North and the Global South. This Master thesis consequently conducts a comparative critical discourse analysis between discourse of the UNGA and UNSC on R2P in the cases of the Syrian Civil War and the Russian invasion and occupation of Ukraine. The analysis finds that the UN discourse reflects both colonial and decolonial dynamics. It has institutionalized various narratives to decolonize its approach, whilst still engaging in Eurocentric discourse. Moreover, the results indicate that the geopolitical positioning of both Ukraine and Syria have played a role in the UN’s R2P approach to each case.Show less
In recent decades, the political legitimacy of International Organisations has been heavily criticised, and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is no exception. The purpose of this research...Show moreIn recent decades, the political legitimacy of International Organisations has been heavily criticised, and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is no exception. The purpose of this research is to determine to what extent the United Nations (UN) member states consider the current UNSC as a legitimate organisation. The following research question is therefore formulated: How has the handling of the UNSC, with regard to the Syrian Civil War, affected the political legitimacy of the UNSC through the perception of UN member states? The concept of political legitimacy is divided into three different dimensions: legal legitimacy, procedural legitimacy and performance legitimacy. To answer the research question, a qualitative content analysis was carried out, examining all adopted and vetoed resolutions regarding the Syrian Civil War. Throughout the 42 resolutions, 55 different UN member states were present to vote and make statements on the case. These votes and statements were subsequently interpreted to measure the level of legal, procedural and performance legitimacy. The results have demonstrated that, with regard to the Syrian Civil Ware, the UNSC’s legal legitimacy has equally increased and diminished, its procedural legitimacy has diminished and that its performance legitimacy has not diminished through the perception of UN member states. Based on the results of the empirical analysis, this study recommends that the UNSC should reform its veto procedure to receive more procedural legitimacy. Regarding the legal and performance legitimacy, it is recommended that the UNSC should not reform. Additionally, possible further research should focus on different cases than the Syrian Civil War to ensure a more comprehensive solution for the UNSC’s political legitimacy debate.Show less
This paper seeks to understand the determinants and limitations of Egypt’s foreign policy approach towards the Syrian civil war. The chosen theoretical framework seeks to situate Egypt within the...Show moreThis paper seeks to understand the determinants and limitations of Egypt’s foreign policy approach towards the Syrian civil war. The chosen theoretical framework seeks to situate Egypt within the debate on the concept of Middle Powers. While Egypt lacks economic power, it still perceives itself as a Middle Power and acts as such due to its ambitions, and large military capabilities. In the first empirical chapter it is found that Egypt’s historical legacy has embedded the notions of independence, external economic assistance and counter-Islamism in its foreign policy. In the second empirical chapter, the interests of Sisi’s government were identified as matching the historical constants of Egypt’s foreign policy, which also explains his support for Assad. Then, it was found that Egypt’s interests are conflicting with those of its main allies and donors – the United States (US), Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), but are rather convergent with the interests of Russia and China. Therefore, Egypt cannot overly support the Assad regime in Syria as this would potentially lead to a loss of needed financial aid.Show less
The enhancement of the revolutionary ideology promoted by Hezbollah during the Arab Uprisings was challenged when in 2011 the protests began in the city of Deraa in Syria. Hezbollah’s support of...Show moreThe enhancement of the revolutionary ideology promoted by Hezbollah during the Arab Uprisings was challenged when in 2011 the protests began in the city of Deraa in Syria. Hezbollah’s support of the revolutionary nature and ideology of the opposition movements became an issue when the anti-government demonstrations began in Syria and the organization suddenly contradicted its previous posture by backing the regime.The Janus-faced behavior of the organization had an immediate negative impact on the image that Hezbollah had been building through a pragmatic and selective legitimation process. In this scenario, how does Hezbollah react to the challenges to the legitimacy of its organization?. In light of the aforementioned, this thesis will aim to analyze and identify the way in which Hezbollah justify the intervention in Syria to their support groups at the local, national and international level. This research focuses on Hezbollah’s creation of 4 meaning in the ideological discourse in order to justify their actions and preserve their legitimacy at three different levels of target audiences (communal, national, international) by developing diverse context models (van Dijk, 2006, 21) according to each audience’s particular interests.Show less
Since its foundation in 1996, Al Jazeera and its English subsidiary Al Jazeera English, established in 2006, have revolutionized the Middle Eastern news media landscape by critically reporting on...Show moreSince its foundation in 1996, Al Jazeera and its English subsidiary Al Jazeera English, established in 2006, have revolutionized the Middle Eastern news media landscape by critically reporting on events in the immediate region and by emphasizing the experiences of people from the Global South. This lead to the coining of the term ‘the Al Jazeera effect’ by Philip Seib. However, the only directive issued by its main sponsor, the Qatari government, is that it should not put the monarchy in a negative light. While different countries in the Middle East have begun following Qatar’s footsteps by establishing English-language news media of their own, an issue that is materializing in parallel is the worldwide declining trust in the news media. As various news networks around the globe are seeing their credibility—the quality of being trusted—questioned, this thesis ties these two developments together by asking how Al Jazeera English, as well as two of its English-language competitors in the region, being PressTV from Iran and TRT World from Turkey, go about establishing their credibility. More particularly, how do these three networks fare when they report on a conflict in their proverbial backyard, the Syrian Civil War, the outcome of which concerns Qatar, Iran, and Turkey alike? By borrowing from the existing scholarly literature on the analysis of news media credibility, this thesis looks at YouTube material on the Syrian Civil War in the first five months of 2019 from the flagship current affairs discussion program on each network, Inside Story on Al Jazeera English, The Debate on PressTV, and The Newsmakers on TRT World in order to demonstrate whether the latter two networks cater for their own ‘effect’ in the Middle Eastern news media arena. Moreover, this thesis hopes to expand our understanding of how we should view the three news outlets: as critical watchdogs of political institutions, or as mouthpieces for their respective governments.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis examines the role of non-state cyber actors in violent conflicts, focusing on the case study of the hacker group Syrian Electronic Army (SEA) in the Syrian civil war. A network analysis...Show moreThis thesis examines the role of non-state cyber actors in violent conflicts, focusing on the case study of the hacker group Syrian Electronic Army (SEA) in the Syrian civil war. A network analysis of all cyber attacks related to the Syrian war between 2012-2015 shows that the SEA primarily attacked Western media. However, the thesis argues that the West was not the SEA's main target, rather, the cyber attacks were meant to influence and control the Syrian opposition with the purpose to weaken them.Show less
Russian-Iranian relations have been complicated since the very first interactions the nations made with each other. The up and down nature of the ties continued up until the first protest of the...Show moreRussian-Iranian relations have been complicated since the very first interactions the nations made with each other. The up and down nature of the ties continued up until the first protest of the Arab Spring and the breakout of the Syrian Civil War in 2011. During these events, both countries with known revisionist ambitions and anti-US sentiment gained new spaces of convergence upon which a different dynamic was brought into their relationship. Since 2011, Russia and Iran bolstered their ties and cooperation in numerous areas and on the surface, it might seem like a strong partnership has been formed. Only when analysing the situation in- depth, a continuation of troubled relations appears. This thesis uncovers in detail all there is to know about Russian-Iranian relations and their development since the start of the Syrian conflict. The work focuses on both areas thanks to which the ties flourished as well as limitations the relationship has had. Furthermore, using a well-known theoretical framework, the thesis follows the question whether the countries managed to create an alliance between each other.Show less
Deze scriptie tracht de factoren te achterhalen die het verschil verklaren in het buitenlands beleid van de kleine Golfstaten ten aanzien van de Syrische burgeroorlog. De verwachting is dat de...Show moreDeze scriptie tracht de factoren te achterhalen die het verschil verklaren in het buitenlands beleid van de kleine Golfstaten ten aanzien van de Syrische burgeroorlog. De verwachting is dat de verschillen tussen deze staten met betrekking tot de verhouding van het aantal buitenlanders tot de lokale bevolking, evenals de verhouding tussen religieuze bevolkingsgroepen, hebben geresulteerd in een verschil in het buitenlands beleid ten aanzien van het Syrische conflict. De bevindingen tonen aan dat zowel de relatie tussen religieuze bevolkingsgroepen als de relatieve machtsverhoudingen ten opzichte van andere staten een rol hebben gespeeld bij de totstandkoming van de verschillen in het buitenlands beleid van de kleine Golfstaten jegens Syrië.Show less
