This research examined the factors that influence the public perception of government response towards protests. A survey with a small sample size (N = 135) was used to acquire the data. The...Show moreThis research examined the factors that influence the public perception of government response towards protests. A survey with a small sample size (N = 135) was used to acquire the data. The results show that threat perception matters for the public’s preferred government response towards protests. The research found that policing measures were preferred more when people protesting against a new government policy began using violence against the police and destroyed public property. Additionally, the results showed that the subject of the protest matters for the threat perception. Policing measures were preferred more when people were protesting against the coronavirus lockdown than when they were protesting against a new government policy. Anti-lockdown protestors were thus deemed more threatening than people protesting against a new government policy. This was the case in a normal protesting situation and when people protested in an unauthorized location.Show less
In an unprecedented era of rebellion, social mobilisation, repression and state terror, regime leaders have found themselves challenged by citizens to step–down from the political sphere. Often,...Show moreIn an unprecedented era of rebellion, social mobilisation, repression and state terror, regime leaders have found themselves challenged by citizens to step–down from the political sphere. Often, the response to these challenges is to repress citizens into political quiescence. However, just as much as protests can be unsuccessful, as can the tools used to suppress them. This thesis will evaluate the effects of repression on protests demands through a quantitative, large–N study of the repressiveness of a regime (on a scale of 1–5), and the demands of protests (regime change or not) in the Middle East and North Africa countries. This was done by combining the Political Terror Scale, and Chenoweth & Shay’s NAVCO1.3. Furthermore, by exploring the threat perception theory, the backlash hypothesis, and conducting a Chi–Square test of the above variables, the thesis came to the conclusion that there is a positive, moderate correlation between repressiveness of regime and protest demands, as well as being statistically significant.Show less
This thesis examines the UAE’s nation-building effort in the context of the Saudi-led coalition’s military intervention to Yemen (2015-2018). In order to do so, a structuralist approach to...Show moreThis thesis examines the UAE’s nation-building effort in the context of the Saudi-led coalition’s military intervention to Yemen (2015-2018). In order to do so, a structuralist approach to International Relations and nationalism have been combined with a domestic approach to foreign-policymaking. The case study of the Khaleej Times newspaper explores, through a qualitative content analysis, how nation-building and nationalism have been flagged (sign-posted) in news items in the context of the Yemen war. The results show that while the UAE is heavily invested in its military intervention abroad, the news-making is focused on ‘softer’ subjects such as humanitarian aid. On the other hand, the approach of accounting for structural elements proves to be insightful. In a globalised, multipolar world, small states with enough resources can project power ‘above their leagues.’ To sum up, nation-building is certainly a continued effort in the UAE. The UAE relies heavily on its image to fulfil her geopolitical aims. What is apparent from the results of this study is that the UAE relies rather on soft power than “pure” hard power to achieve its foreign policy goals.Show less
