The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has redirected the attention of scholars and political analysts towards the often-forgotten frozen conflicts, now, consolidated into functioning de facto states in...Show moreThe ongoing conflict in Ukraine has redirected the attention of scholars and political analysts towards the often-forgotten frozen conflicts, now, consolidated into functioning de facto states in the Post-Soviet region. The recent opening of the official diplomatic representation of Transnistria in Moscow has sparked a series of questions regarding the intentions of the de facto state and its patron, Russia. While other de facto states, such as Abkhazia and South Ossetia have been recognised and have established official diplomatic missions in Moscow since 2008, the PMR is only taking these steps now. These developments point to a new chapter for Transnistria and raise questions regarding the statehood of the de facto state. This thesis seeks to uncover the overarching mechanisms which foster the development of de facto statehood. Considering the ‘renewal’ of negotiations in the ‘5+2’ format and the declared progress made in in terms of the ‘policy of small steps’ in Transnistria, this is a good place to start. Hence, this thesis aims to explore the causal link between peace processes and de facto statehood.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to examine why was progress in the Transnistrian conflict achieved after 2016 considering that all the previous efforts of internal as well as external actors after the...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to examine why was progress in the Transnistrian conflict achieved after 2016 considering that all the previous efforts of internal as well as external actors after the ceasefire agreement proved to be unsuccessful. The thesis applies conflict management and mediation theory, which claims that progress in a conflict is possible when a “ripe moment” arises as a result of Mutually Hurting Stalemate (MHS). The “ripe moment” has to be seized either by the parties themselves or by a mediator, with a problem-solving approach being particularly useful to that end. Based on the review of existing academic literature, the author identifies three hypotheses (the “political agency hypothesis”, the “economic hypothesis”, and the “mediation hypothesis”), which offer alternative explanations why the progress was achieved specifically after 2016. The hypotheses are tested using the qualitative method of process tracing. The systematic analysis of the diagnostic evidence reveals that the progress was not achieved due to the new Moldovan and Transnistrian presidents coming to power at the end of 2016. In 2016, the “ripe moment” arose in the Transnistrian conflict as a result of the poor economic performance of both Moldova and Transnistria, which created the situation of MHS. Moreover, the united position of mediators in the 5+2 format combined with the focus on smaller, practical questions, allowed the “ripe moment” to be seized and thus progress was achieved.Show less
In a time where global threats are increasingly challenging security, the EU has become more concerned and active in cooperating with member states and other international organisations in building...Show moreIn a time where global threats are increasingly challenging security, the EU has become more concerned and active in cooperating with member states and other international organisations in building a more secure and stable environment for its citizens. A series of instruments and missions have been deployed to work on regions that require assistance on strengthening their security systems. The creation of European Neighbourhood Policy aimed achieving a closer cooperation with the EU’s neighbours in the south and east by promoting common values such as democracy, respect for human rights and rule of law. In this way, the EU hoped achieving greater stability in the regions involved. Since Romania became an EU member state in 2007, the EU became more involved in its neighbour country Moldova. Solving the Transnistria conflict issue has become a key priority for the EU. Several policies have been issued to tackle the issue and initiate reform, especially through Partnership and Cooperation Agreement and European Neighbourhood Policy frameworks. However, the enacted policies did not bring a solution to the conflict. This thesis aims to explain why this has been the case. In this way, this thesis aims to contribute to an explanation of third parties intervention in conflict regions in a global perspective.Show less
The internal politics of an unrecognised state like Transnistria may seem like a forgone conclusion, as per the common reputation of such states being static, authoritarian "puppets" of Russia....Show moreThe internal politics of an unrecognised state like Transnistria may seem like a forgone conclusion, as per the common reputation of such states being static, authoritarian "puppets" of Russia. However, closer inspection of recent election results reveals a dynamic and unpredictable succession of regime changes that challenges not only our understanding of de facto state politics, but that of the workings and elite struggles of post-Communist "hybrid regimes" in general. Building on existing theory on regime change and democracy in the post-Soviet sphere and in unrecognised states in particular, the author then uses primary resources gained from numerous field interviews in Transnistria and Moldova to evaluate exactly where power lies in the de facto state, how it has shifted over the past election cycles, and what role is played by the mysterious patron, the "dark knight", Russia.Show less
Much has been written about dissident regions such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Transnistria. Unfortunately until today little attention is given to Gagauzia, a dissident region that rejected the...Show moreMuch has been written about dissident regions such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Transnistria. Unfortunately until today little attention is given to Gagauzia, a dissident region that rejected the current Moldovan rapprochement towards the EU in its local referendum, organized in 2014. In contemporary academic literature very little is known about the influence of dissident regions like Gagauzia, Transnistria or Abkhazia on the EU rapprochement of their sovereign nation. Along with interviews and other primary sources a model is provided to discover the influence of the three mentioned dissident regions on the EU rapprochement. This research, at least, enriches the current existing academic literature regarding Gagauzia, at the same time it deeply emphasises the limited influence of dissident regions on sovereign nations’ EU rapprochement.Show less
This historical thesis challenges the current consensus among scholars that Romania’s involvement in the 1992 Transnistrian War, on the side of the Moldovan government, was motivated only by desire...Show moreThis historical thesis challenges the current consensus among scholars that Romania’s involvement in the 1992 Transnistrian War, on the side of the Moldovan government, was motivated only by desire for reunification with its former territory of Bessarabia. The historical relationship between Romania and Moldova, the ethnic dynamics and distributions of Transnstria and the extent of Romanian intervention in the war are presented and analysed. A case is made that the Romanian government’s immediate goal was not a political union Moldova, but maintaining stability.Show less
The turmoil in the Donbas in the Eastern part of Ukraine erupted roughly two years ago. Attempts have been made to bring about a settlement in the region, yet without any tangible success. At the...Show moreThe turmoil in the Donbas in the Eastern part of Ukraine erupted roughly two years ago. Attempts have been made to bring about a settlement in the region, yet without any tangible success. At the same time, the Donbas crisis is not the only conflict which has been characterized by strong regional separatism as well as Russian instigation; the left bank of the Dniester river - known as Transnistria - in the Eastern side of Moldova is of a similar kind. Despite the fact that the separatist conflict in the self-proclaimed Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic has been unresolved for more that 20 years now, it serves as a case from which lessons can be drawn and suitably applied to the current crisis in the Donbas region so that in the longer-term, it does not become one of the frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet space...Show less
