This thesis explores how the populist radical right seeks to control non-majoritarian liberal institutions through democratic means. Specifically, I test this theory within presidential systems,...Show moreThis thesis explores how the populist radical right seeks to control non-majoritarian liberal institutions through democratic means. Specifically, I test this theory within presidential systems, examining whether a radical right government leads to an increase in legislative proposals that target the disempowerment of constitutional courts. Therefore, my hypothesis is that the number of legislative bills aiming to overcome the autonomy of constitutional courts is higher under populist radical right governments than under non-radical ones. I employ a mixed-method approach, starting with four longitudinal quantitative research and then applying in-depth analyses conducted in Brazil, El Salvador, the Philippines, and the United States to compare instances of radical right governance with those of previous non-radical coalitions in each country. The results generally support the hypothesis, except for a notable deviant case observed in the United States.Show less
Despite the scientifically proved inexistence of human races, racism yet exists as a result of the social construction and institutionalization of human races in societies. In the United States,...Show moreDespite the scientifically proved inexistence of human races, racism yet exists as a result of the social construction and institutionalization of human races in societies. In the United States, anti-Asian racism exists and is exceedingly problematic. At the same time, for the past thirty years United States power is relatively declining, and China is a rising power and changing the international world order. The Obama administration and the Trump administration dealt differently with the relative decline of United States power. In this paper, the United States government narrative of China and its effect on national anti-Asian racism in the United States is researched. First, existing literature on government policy tools, racism and narratives is critically analyzed. Thereafter, a narrative analysis is performed on the narratives used by the Obama administration and the Trump administration in a comparative case study. The results demonstrate that during the Trump presidency, the narrative of China was relatively more negative and anti-Asian racism levels were relatively higher. This implies that a more negative narrative of China causes more anti-Asian racism in the United States. Hence, this paper contributes to the academic field of political science by exposing the relation between governmental discursive power and citizen behavior.Show less
Sinds Donald J. Trumps presidentschap, een periode waarin Trump regelmatig de media bekritiseerde, hebben onderzoeken uitgewezen dat Republikeinen aanzienlijk minder vertrouwen hebben in...Show moreSinds Donald J. Trumps presidentschap, een periode waarin Trump regelmatig de media bekritiseerde, hebben onderzoeken uitgewezen dat Republikeinen aanzienlijk minder vertrouwen hebben in factcheckmedia dan Democraten (Jennings & Stroud, 2021; Porter et al. 2019; Walter et al., 2019). De vraag is echter of dat enkel aan Trump ligt; blootstelling aan factcheckkritiek online kan er ook aan bijdragen dat mediaconsumenten wantrouwiger worden naar de media (Houston et al., 2011). In dit onderzoek is daarom in kaart gebracht welke vormen van factcheckkritiek voorkomen in Facebookreacties onder factcheckberichten over presidentskandidaten uit 2016 en 2020. Hierbij werd ook bekeken of er verschillende vormen van factcheckkritiek voorkwamen in 2016 en in 2020, of mediaconsumenten andere kritiek leveren op pro-Democratische en pro-Republikeinse factchecks en of deze commentaren onderbouwd en zonder onbeleefd taalgebruik worden geformuleerd – twee belangrijke pijlers voor constructieve kritiek. Zeven verschillende vormen van kritiek werden geïdentificeerd: 1) Kritiek op eenzijdige berichtgeving, 2) Kritiek op inaccuraatheid, 3) Kritiek op onvolledigheid, 4) Kritiek op onbetrouwbaarheid, 5) Kritiek op irrelevante inhoud, 6) Kritiek op incompetentie en 7) Persoonlijke aanval zonder duidelijk standpunt. Deze kritieken zijn over het algemeen te relateren aan eerder onderzoek naar mediakritiek, maar factcheckkritiek heeft ook eigen, unieke eigenschappen. Er werden bovendien verschillen opgemerkt tussen factchecks uit 2016 en 2020 en tussen pro-Democratische en proRepublikeinse factchecks, die onder andere aantonen dat Trump gedurende zijn presidentschap heeft beïnvloed hoe mediaconsumenten kritiek geven op factcheckmedia. Daarnaast bleek dat enkel Kritiek op inaccuraatheid en Kritiek op onvolledigheid prominent aanwezig waren in commentaren met onderbouwing en zonder onbeleefd taalgebruik. Mogelijke oorzaken en implicaties van deze bevindingen worden besproken.Show less
Donald Trump has frequently been labelled an idiosyncratic aberration and has equally been accused of breaking with American foreign policy tradition. However, by applying the foreign policy...Show moreDonald Trump has frequently been labelled an idiosyncratic aberration and has equally been accused of breaking with American foreign policy tradition. However, by applying the foreign policy traditions uncovered by Mead (Wilsonianism, Hamiltonianism, Jeffersonianism and Jacksonianism), scholars began arguing that Trump was perfectly traditional because he adhered to one or more of these historic traditions. Simultaneously, scholars argued that Trump rejected the myth of American exceptionalism that informs said traditions. This begs the question of how one can be traditional, yet also reject their foundational myth. Scholars had failed to consider these two facets in tandem, and had only focussed on Trump’s campaign and early presidency therefore failing to provide a prudent analysis of Trump’s entire foreign policy. This thesis aimed to rectified both by asking the following question: how has Trump’s re-interpretation of American exceptionalism influenced the utilisation of the dominant traditions in American foreign policy in his foreign policy discourse? Through the use of a critical geopolitical analysis, it was uncovered that Trump redefined American exceptionalism to an conditional state of objective greatness that only he could achieve and maintain, rather than an inherent trait. This allowed him to argue that his predecessors had made America unexceptional, stirring feelings of betrayal that he could then mobilise for his own political gain. This demagogic ‘exceptional me 2.0’ strategy shaped his application of all the four traditions wherein he blames Wilsonianism for American decline and aims to rally disappointed Hamiltonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians against them in order to effectuate a great reset of American foreign policy and domestic politics.Show less
International organizations (IOs), like all other organisms, have a life cycle, and like any governance form, IOs need to adapt to the changes or become obsolete. NATO, a survivor of all threats...Show moreInternational organizations (IOs), like all other organisms, have a life cycle, and like any governance form, IOs need to adapt to the changes or become obsolete. NATO, a survivor of all threats that the global arena has thrown at it, faced a unique threat with Trump. This thesis explores IO survival with the case study of NATO during Trump’s presidency , focusing on what explains NATO’s survival of Trump’s threats. With the support of the broad academic literature on the IO survival and NATO’s persistence, three factors, namely member state benefits, the structure of NATO and domestic politics were studied through the process-tracing method. Evidence showed that a combination of factors placated Trump from withdrawing the US from NATO. The member states’ benefits and domestic politics factors had a significant impact, and NATO’s structure factor supported them.Show less
Most comparative studies have focused on Obama and Trump’s elocution (e.g. Hill, 2020) or invention (Bostdorf, 2017). Much less research has been done on both speaker’s arrangement and deviation...Show moreMost comparative studies have focused on Obama and Trump’s elocution (e.g. Hill, 2020) or invention (Bostdorf, 2017). Much less research has been done on both speaker’s arrangement and deviation from the classical prescripts. Nevertheless, arrangement is an important process that is omnipresent in different canons and complicated by nature as there is not one set framework of ordering. The lack of a set order is caused by the heavy influence the audience has on the disposition of a speech. This thesis will look at arrangement in a broader sense by investigating how information is ordered in various cannons of rhetoric. Finally, this thesis aims to answer the central question: is Obama or Trump the most successful classical rhetorical speaker in terms of arranging the information in their speech. To research this, I examined and compared one set of speeches by Obama and Trump with various classical pre-set orders. The classical orders that were used were the parts of speech by Cicero, the three appeals by Aristotle, and Aristotle's stock issues that Katula and Roth modified to suit the modern deliberative rhetoric. Stock issues are questions that frequently occur during argumentation. They can help the speaker anticipate what questions will be asked and help the critic ask appropriate questions (Katula and Roth, 1980, p. 184). The results showed that Obama’s speech was closer to the classical pre-sets than Trump’s speech. Obama incorporates each component of the arrangement, whereas Trump has shown to leave out certain components. These results propose that classical rhetoric is still prevalent in modern rhetoric and suggest how classical rhetoric can be altered to suit the present-day audience. With this thesis, I hope to have shed light on the value of classical rhetoric, in particular of arrangement, in modern debate.Show less
After an examination of primary and secondary American, Israeli, and international sources such as White House speeches, Aljazeera interviews, American and Israeli newspapers, and documentaries,...Show moreAfter an examination of primary and secondary American, Israeli, and international sources such as White House speeches, Aljazeera interviews, American and Israeli newspapers, and documentaries, this thesis shows that former president of the United States Donald Trump was the opposite of a mediator for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Instead of being the broker of peace, Trump’s foreign policy created more agitation in the Middle Eastern region, and on the international level. Trump played a strategic game, in which realist and constructivist elements were visible in particular. Thus, this study argues that Trump certainly did not improve the tense situation in the Middle East, although he truly saw himself as the true peace maker. In addition to that, this thesis makes a contribution to the field of International Relations in two ways. Firstly, this thesis created clarity by connecting several aspects of Trump’s decision-making on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to specific IR theories. Secondly, it is an addition to the yet incomplete amount of academic literature on the Trump Administration’s approach for this particular conflict.Show less
This thesis analyzes the novel The Handmaid's Tale by Margaret Atwood and the first three seasons of the HULU series in their historical contexts, and relates them to feminist activism in both eras...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the novel The Handmaid's Tale by Margaret Atwood and the first three seasons of the HULU series in their historical contexts, and relates them to feminist activism in both eras. The thesis investigates how relevant literary representations of injustice and oppression are within the broader discourse of human rights, equality and freedom. By juxtaposing the Feminist views of the writer, producers and its political climate in the 1980s during Ronald Reagan's administration and during the 2010s Trump administration the radicalisation of its activism and the change in current political protests are shown.Show less
Parsimonious system-based theories take center stage within the scholarly field of International Relations. Assuming the international system to be the key determinant of international politics,...Show moreParsimonious system-based theories take center stage within the scholarly field of International Relations. Assuming the international system to be the key determinant of international politics, they aim to explain any geopolitical event. Utilizing 60 speeches from United States presidents Obama and Trump, and employing China’s Belt and Road Initiative as an important divide, this thesis will examine the role of agency, through the individual leadership of both Obama and Trump, within the realm of international politics.Show less
This thesis examines U.S.-North Korean relations during the Trump administration, particularly focusing on how President Trump's behavior can be explained in light of the "Madman Theory". By...Show moreThis thesis examines U.S.-North Korean relations during the Trump administration, particularly focusing on how President Trump's behavior can be explained in light of the "Madman Theory". By applying Roseanne W. McManus' typology, it is argued that Trump's madness is characterized by situational deviation from consequence-based decision-making, which is hypothesized to be potentially helpful. Furthermore, this thesis examines the effectiveness of Trump's usage of madness during the first year of his presidency compared to his later summit diplomacy. This thesis argues that while the usage of perceived madness was helpful in bringing North Korea to the negotiating table, it was no more successful than summit diplomacy in bringing about denuclearization of the peninsula, while summit diplomacy at least brought stability to the region. Denuclearizing North Korea seems to be possible only through regime change, a costly venture both in terms of human lives and economic costs. For this reason, summit diplomacy seems to be the preferable option.Show less
President Trump successfully secured the Republican vote in the US Presidential election of 2016. Donald Trump is notoriously not religious but he is seen as a vehicle to elevate the religious...Show morePresident Trump successfully secured the Republican vote in the US Presidential election of 2016. Donald Trump is notoriously not religious but he is seen as a vehicle to elevate the religious agenda in the political arena. In 2016, Donald Trump run a campaign that engaged with the evangelicals’ desire to restore social and cultural ‘morality’ in the public space and their desire to unwaveringly support Israel. Most of the scholarly debate on Trump’s stance on Israel is angled from a policy perspective, attributing his position to factors such as geopolitics, the influence of Biblical prophecy in American diplomacy, and the increased role of White Christian Nationalism in the political agenda. The research of this thesis will expand on the literature by exploring how Trump’s rhetoric and politics on Israel are used to appeal to his pro-Israel conservative base. The analysis of Trump’s rhetoric and political action using the tool of critical discourse analysis will provide insights between language, ideology, and power. President Trump’s language and political efforts concerning Israel appeal to the Christian evangelical base that makes up most of the Republican Party. Furthermore, Trump has enhanced the role of Christianity in politics, to promote the idea that progressive policies are incompatible with the American identity, and has established America’s relationship with Israel as an inherent value.Show less
When making decisions, people often make use of short-cuts to facilitate this process. This can lead to systematic errors and biases, leading to sub-optimal decisions and sometimes irrational...Show moreWhen making decisions, people often make use of short-cuts to facilitate this process. This can lead to systematic errors and biases, leading to sub-optimal decisions and sometimes irrational decision making. These biases can be correlated to the phenomenon of post-truth, where influencing emotions is the focus when presenting information, rather than actual facts. This paper investigates the correlation between several cognitive biases and post-truth, applied to case studies on Brexit and Donald Trump. It concludes that biases such as motivated reasoning, system 1 and 2 thinking and the availability bias, can reinforce or facilitate post-truth, and that we can see this correlation play out in both case studies.Show less
This thesis analyses the changes in the United States (U.S.) South China Sea (SCS) security strategy since the start of the Trump administration. By researching the rhetoric and the actions of the...Show moreThis thesis analyses the changes in the United States (U.S.) South China Sea (SCS) security strategy since the start of the Trump administration. By researching the rhetoric and the actions of the Trump administration and recent previous administrations in a realist framework, this paper tries to determine the impact of the current presidency in this field. This research argues that the SCS security strategy of the Trump administration is significantly different from its predecessors. Its rhetoric is transactional instead of value-driven, holistically confrontational instead of partially cooperative and erratic instead of long term. The actions of the Trump administration remain focussed on strategic deterrence but have increased in intensity and have discarded the risk-averse nature of past policies.Show less
This thesis deals with securitization and desecuritization of immigration in right and left wing media in the United States as evidence of polarization through applying critical discourse analysis....Show moreThis thesis deals with securitization and desecuritization of immigration in right and left wing media in the United States as evidence of polarization through applying critical discourse analysis. Considering the current political climate in which matters such as immigration, race and social class are being securitized, research that focuses on how the right and the left wing securitize/desecuritize is important.Show less
