This paper makes a comparative case analysis between the independent status-seeking foreign policies of Gaullist France and Erdoğanist Turkey to provide a novel theoretical framework for...Show moreThis paper makes a comparative case analysis between the independent status-seeking foreign policies of Gaullist France and Erdoğanist Turkey to provide a novel theoretical framework for understanding the struggle for status within multilateral alliances. Using theories related to the role of “status” and “national role conceptions” in international relations, it analyzes how status-seeking foreign policies aimed at asserting French and Turkish great power status, led France and Turkey to clash with the Atlantic bloc’s hegemon – the United States – which attempted to curb their ambitions to protect its own status, leading both France and Turkey to adopt more confrontational status-seeking strategies, which affected their position within the Atlantic bloc and turned them into “rogue members”. Based on this comparison, this paper posits a “rogue member theory” that can help analyze the struggle for status within multilateral alliances between aspiring great powers and the alliance’s hegemonic state.Show less
This thesis explores how the AKP’s discourse on national security constructed Turkey’s national identity and defined threats during two major domestic crises: the Gezi Protests and the Peace...Show moreThis thesis explores how the AKP’s discourse on national security constructed Turkey’s national identity and defined threats during two major domestic crises: the Gezi Protests and the Peace Process between Turkey and the PKK. Through a theoretical framework drawing from securitization and ontological security theory, it provides a discourse analysis in order to determine how AKP officials constructed these events as a threat, identified them as a national emergency, legitimized the application of extraordinary measures against them, and rejected legitimate alternatives. Further, it studies the implications of this construction of identity and (in)security on ontological security, and argues that an appreciation of these implications helps provide significant insights on the nexus of identity and (in)security in contemporary Turkey.Show less
This thesis is about cultural transformation through migration between the Turkish district of Emirdağ and the diaspora in Belgium. In this research, the poems from Emirdağ and the poems from the...Show moreThis thesis is about cultural transformation through migration between the Turkish district of Emirdağ and the diaspora in Belgium. In this research, the poems from Emirdağ and the poems from the diaspora were analyzed using the qualitative research method narrative analysis. In the analysis, the reflection of cultural transformation through migration in Emirdağ's poetry has been observed. The results provide an insight into the migration culture and the outcomes of socio-cultural and economic transnationalism.Show less
This study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more...Show moreThis study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more exclusive national identity that is established in the official Turkish discourse. The alliances that are touched upon are the political environment of Diyarbakir; the celebration of Newroz; the commemoration of murder of Hrant Dink; and Armenian and Assyrian Genocide commemorations. I argue that the main manifestation of most of these solidarities is creation of more openness about the Genocides, in especially Kurdish discourse. The alliances depicted in this paper are each different and each form a different degree of challenge to the Turkish national identity. I conclude that the political environment of Diyarbakir forms the greatest threat, which can be perceived in the state’s crackdown of its established institutions and initiatives of cultural practices, as it does not fit the homogenous identity that the Turkish State ascribes to itself.Show less
This study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more...Show moreThis study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more exclusive national identity that is established in the official Turkish discourse. The alliances that are touched upon are the political environment of Diyarbakir; the celebration of Newroz; the commemoration of murder of Hrant Dink; and Armenian and Assyrian Genocide commemorations. I argue that the main manifestation of most of these solidarities is creation of more openness about the Genocides, in especially Kurdish discourse. The alliances depicted in this paper are each different and each form a different degree of challenge to the Turkish national identity. I conclude that the political environment of Diyarbakir forms the greatest threat, which can be perceived in the state’s crackdown of its established institutions and initiatives of cultural practices, as it does not fit the homogenous identity that the Turkish State ascribes to itself.Show less
The long-standing relationship between Turkey and the EU has cooled considerably over the past decade. Due to its geopolitical importance in various areas – including the fields of security,...Show moreThe long-standing relationship between Turkey and the EU has cooled considerably over the past decade. Due to its geopolitical importance in various areas – including the fields of security, migration, and trade – the developments of the Turkey-EU relations are closely followed by experts. This thesis aims to determine what factors have contributed to post-2011 Turkey-EU tensions. It is convinced that relying upon events alone is not sufficient to understand the key dynamics of Turkey-EU tensions and to answer the research question. Specifically, it investigates how the notion of identity – as an angle within constructivism theory - played a role in the rise of right-wing populism and Islamophobia in Western Europe, the rise of political Islam in Turkey, the EU accession process, and it also scrutinizes the role of identity independently. To answer the research question, secondary data was collected through qualitative and quantitative research methods. Primary data was collected through one-on-one interviews with both Turkish and European participants. Responses were analyzed using critical discourse analysis (CDA). The results show a strong correlation between ‘‘Self’’ vs. ‘‘Other’’ sentiments - as prevalent in Turkey-EU tensions - and identity. On this basis, both Turkey and the EU seem to find themselves in an identity crisis that they both reflect upon the ‘‘Other’’ to safeguard their own identity. These results suggest that developments such as the rise of right-wing populism and Islamophobia in Western Europe and the rise of political Islam in Turkey, each contributing to mutual tensions, are products of a contemporary identity dilemma.Show less
Rising tensions and new cooperation tendencies in the Eastern Mediterranean area are highlighted by energy politics. Latest natural gas discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea have prompted...Show moreRising tensions and new cooperation tendencies in the Eastern Mediterranean area are highlighted by energy politics. Latest natural gas discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea have prompted many to wonder whether natural resources might help the area to reach peace and prosperity. However, the recent tensions and navy confrontations reveal that competition extends beyond the race for energy. By focusing on the 2018 energy dispute between the Republic of Cyprus (in alliance with Greece) and Turkey, this thesis paper examines the fluctuations of geopolitical strategies in the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as their influence on regional cooperation and the new foreign relations realities between the competing regional powers. What impact do regional and international powers' actions and policies have on regional security? Does the discovery of energy resources lead to closer cooperation or increased competition? This thesis paper looks beyond the economic importance of energy resources and analyses the energy problem in the Mediterranean Sea as primarily a geopolitical and strategic one, with economics playing a secondary role.Show less
Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs) are on their way to becoming the next step in the evolution of warfare and power projection. As the increasing proliferation of armed drones in recent years...Show moreUnmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs) are on their way to becoming the next step in the evolution of warfare and power projection. As the increasing proliferation of armed drones in recent years suggests, UCAVs are starting to replace the conventional military units and introduce new dimensions to armed conflicts. This study seeks to understand how these new capabilities shape the foreign policy behavior of states. By introducing three causal mechanisms, namely cost efficiency, operational and strategic superiority, and risk reduction, the study suggests that some unique characteristics of UCAVs have profound effects on state behavior. With a focus on the case of Turkey, the study concludes that the introduction of the armed drones to the Turkish national inventory played a major role in the reorientation and paradigm change of Turkish Foreign Policy (TFP) after 2016.Show less
This study analyses the portrayal of women in Turkish films on the Dutch Netflix. With the help of three concepts from feminist film theory, namely male gaze, male voice and female subjectivity,...Show moreThis study analyses the portrayal of women in Turkish films on the Dutch Netflix. With the help of three concepts from feminist film theory, namely male gaze, male voice and female subjectivity, and with the help from earlier studies on the portrayal of women in Turkish films, it finds that women in the Turkish films on the Dutch Netflix are overall portrayed in more passive ways than men, that the female characters often play a supporting role as compared to the male characters and that the concepts from feminist film theorists can still be applied to recently released films. Some films in the corpus however also contain feminist themes and elements, such as female protagonists and female characters that are not occupied with a search for love, but focus on their own personal development. This study concludes that while women are overall not portrayed in a positive way in the corpus, these feminist themes show a promising development that will hopefully continue in the future.Show less
Child marriage is connected to several socio-economical and sociocultural factors. Many people make the misunderstanding to link the practice to religion or a specific country/area or claim that ...Show moreChild marriage is connected to several socio-economical and sociocultural factors. Many people make the misunderstanding to link the practice to religion or a specific country/area or claim that "only poor people marry their daughters off at an early age". To what extent are girls protected by their countries laws, and are the underlying causes the same in the three countries or are there significant differences?Show less
The media has played a centripetal role in shaping public opinion and setting domestic and foreign affairs agendas. The Republic of Turkey is a ubiquitous factor in Greek historiography, nation...Show moreThe media has played a centripetal role in shaping public opinion and setting domestic and foreign affairs agendas. The Republic of Turkey is a ubiquitous factor in Greek historiography, nation-building processes, and foreign security policy. Throughout their unstable and fluctuating relations, the Greco – Turkish dyad has received copious media attention. In 2019 Turkey and Libya signed a maritime exclusive economic zone (EEZ) Memorandum of Understanding. Such a settlement allegedly balked the EU's planned project to enhance the EastMed pipeline and violated Greece's EEZ, consequently causing an intense media reaction throughout Greece. This thesis applies Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to the publications of Kathimerini and Ta Nea, Greece's most widely read daily newspapers. The analysis brings insight into the media's sociopolitical role, its position regarding the citizenry and the state, and Turkey's importance as an external agent that reinforces the Greeks' in-group cohesion. Considering Aristotelian topoi to approach CDA, the analysis indicates that the Greek media's narrative on the Turkey-Libya settlement frames (i) Turkey as a threatening 'other,' (ii) portrays Greece as the referent object, and (iii) rejects the validity of such a settlement under international law, reinforcing the previous two points.Show less
Turkey’s connection to the Balkans dates back to its shared past with the Ottoman Empire. After the dissolution of the empire, Turkey has maintained a continuous, albeit fluctuating, involvement in...Show moreTurkey’s connection to the Balkans dates back to its shared past with the Ottoman Empire. After the dissolution of the empire, Turkey has maintained a continuous, albeit fluctuating, involvement in the region. The period after the breakup of Yugoslavia (1992) and the Serb-Bosnian war (1992-1995) marked an interesting turning point in Turkey’s further involvement within the cultural, political, and religious spheres of the Balkan region. Turkeys' involvement and influence in the region can be described through the cultural and political factors and most importantly to its Ottoman Islamic heritage. The aftermath of the Serb-Bosnian war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter shortened to Bosnia) demonstrated a rise of foreign Islamic actors seeking to provide aid and relief to the affected Bosnian Muslims and their community. The post-war period was heavily defined by Saudi Arabian and Iranian actors and to a lesser extent Turkish actors. The departure of Saudi and Iranian actors allowed Turkish religious voices to take over spaces left by those previous actors. This turning point is interesting to explore as it questions the nature of Turkey's continuous involvement and its development in the region, specifically in Bosnia. This leads to the question: In what ways have Turkish religious influences developed and affected Bosnian Muslims after the Serb-Bosnian war (1992-1995)?Show less
This thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists...Show moreThis thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists in Turkey.Show less
The thesis provides a multilevel analysis of how democratic ideas of post-secularism can result in undemocratic policies of anti-secularism. Although AKP initially supported as a cure to Turkey's...Show moreThe thesis provides a multilevel analysis of how democratic ideas of post-secularism can result in undemocratic policies of anti-secularism. Although AKP initially supported as a cure to Turkey's existing problems resulted from Kemalist secularism, and this approach is supported by the EU in the process of integration, the unexpected result is the authoritarian desecularization and populist Islamization of policies in Turkey. The thesis analyzes the desecularization of policies under AKP in three main areas of education, family, and the public sphere.Show less
