This thesis aimed to explore the development of the U.S. government’s threat perception of cyber espionage through the Securitization Theory between 2011 and 2020 (Buzan et al, 1997). A case study...Show moreThis thesis aimed to explore the development of the U.S. government’s threat perception of cyber espionage through the Securitization Theory between 2011 and 2020 (Buzan et al, 1997). A case study was deployed in which the U.S. government was the case and a total of 34 governmental documents were analyzed. The analysis shows that Chinese industrial espionage is at the core of developing the threat perception of the U.S. Furthermore, the speech act, referent objects, and acceptance of a relevant audience remained fairly constant factors between 2011 and 2020. However, the level of threat that Chinese industrial cyber espionage posed to the U.S fluctuates. From 2011 until 2015, the analysis indicated an increase in the threat level but seemed to have slightly decreased between 2015 and 2016. From 2016 until 2020, the perceived threat seems to increase again. The year 2020 indicated a shift from Chinese industrial cyberespionage to Russian cyberespionage. However, the latter statement requires more rigorous analysis.Show less
This year marks the 31st anniversary of the Tiananmen protests and their violent crackdown in 1989. Since then, many of the Tiananmen activists succeeded in leaving their home country and settling...Show moreThis year marks the 31st anniversary of the Tiananmen protests and their violent crackdown in 1989. Since then, many of the Tiananmen activists succeeded in leaving their home country and settling in the U.S., choosing the country known as one of the most prominent advocators for democracy (Béja 2003:440). In the U.S., individual activists as well as organized groups have lobbied for their interest of democratizing China, forming a movement that is called Overseas Chinese Democracy Movement (OCDM). The OCDM organizations have played a major role in influencing bilateral relations between the U.S. and China (Chen 2014a:1). However, observers around the world have witnessed in recent years that governments have increasingly opposed democracy and rights organizations, constraining organizations’ activities by erecting legal barriers (Wolff & Poppe 2015:i). This phenomenon is called the “Closing Space phenomenon” (ibid.) and describes the growing resistance against democracy and human rights promotion. Closing Space has been mostly studied in authoritarian and semi-authoritarian countries, yet scholars have noted a similar trend in some democratic countries, including the U.S. (Celermajer & Avnon 2019:674). Thus, the question is whether the U.S. government still supports groups promoting democracy in China, or whether it has also started to oppose democracy and rights organizations such as those of the OCDM. Currently, there is a major research gap on a potential Closing Space in the U.S. This means that a potential increasingly hostile political and civil climate is not addressed nor understood by academia. This lack of knowledge can contribute to a fundamental erosion of civil society organizations which provide essential democracy and rights advocacy both within and outside the U.S. With regards to OCDM organizations1, increasing barriers to their work can lead to very tangible deteriorations of human rights in China. By investigating the Closing Space phenomenon in the U.S., we can better understand which challenges U.S. based human rights organizations face. With regards to the current power struggles between the central Chinese government and democracy activists in Hong Kong, as well as continuing human rights violations against Uighur minorities in Xinjiang, the question of democracy and human rights in China is more relevant than ever. Hence, OCDM organizations’ relentless fight for democracy and human rights in China is of utmost significance. By raising this research problem, the thesis aims to target two underserved bodies of literature: first, the Closing Space phenomenon in democracies such as the U.S. (Chaudhry & Heiss 2018), and second, theoretical research on the OCDM and its members (Chen 2018:110). Scholarly literature on civil society organizations reflects three major perspectives, namely Social Movement Theory, Political Opportunity Structure, and the Closing Space phenomenon. These research fields provide valuable insight, especially in understanding social movements as “collective efforts to pursue [common] interests” (Flacks 2004:135), viewing political opportunity structures as ‘filters’ between movement mobilization and the choice of strategies and movement impact (Kitschelt 1986:59, Teräväinen 2010:197), as well as the Closing Space phenomenon that sees the recent assertive pushback against democracy and human rights advocacy as a defensive reaction of mostly authoritarian leaders that fear popular uprisings (Carothers 2016:358, 364). Despite providing key insights, these bodies of literature do not provide a satisfactory understanding of current challenges faced by democracy and rights organizations in the U.S. This master thesis will address this research gap and contribute to an improved understanding of OCDM organizations’ struggles specifically and research on Closing Space and POS more generally. The thesis argues that the Closing Space concept offers a valuable advancement of POS theory as it overcomes the structural determinism of POS and acknowledges organizations’ individual differences and subjective interpretations.Show less
In this thesis, the relationship between the U.S. and Iran will be researched, focusing on trade between the two countries, U.S. interests in the region and Iran's nuclear program, following a time...Show moreIn this thesis, the relationship between the U.S. and Iran will be researched, focusing on trade between the two countries, U.S. interests in the region and Iran's nuclear program, following a time line from Iran's Revolution in 1979 until recent times and uses the Groupthink and Polythink theories to explain and show hostility in the bilateral relationship.Show less
In February 2009, the first Obama administration offered its Russian counterpart a "reset button" to renew U.S.-Russian relations. As we now know, however, this initiative failed to structurally...Show moreIn February 2009, the first Obama administration offered its Russian counterpart a "reset button" to renew U.S.-Russian relations. As we now know, however, this initiative failed to structurally alleviate the lingering strains of Cold War antagonism. This thesis will discuss the role of Congress concerning this matter. This is interesting, firstly, because part of the reset's failure can be explained by Congressional counteracts. Secondly, careful analysis of Congressional hearings will show that there is a much less rigid bipartisan dichotomy concerning U.S.-Russian policy than is often taken for granted. All in all, the reader is granted considerable insight into one of the most complex and most urgent bilateral relations of today.Show less
By employing Latin –American strands of dependency theory – complemented by World Systems Theory and a neoliberal view on trade policies – the minutes of the PTPA negotiations are analysed. The...Show moreBy employing Latin –American strands of dependency theory – complemented by World Systems Theory and a neoliberal view on trade policies – the minutes of the PTPA negotiations are analysed. The negotiations were held in 2004 and 2005 between the U.S. and the Andean countries. This resarch focuses on Peru and an attempt is made to assess whether and to what extent the Peruvian government succeeded in balancing the demands of the U.S. government with those of Peruvian civil society and the Peruvian government’s desire to enter into a trade agreement with the U.S.. From examining Peruvian government reports on the agriculture, labour matters and textiles tables it was found that the government at times found its Andean partners to be delaying the negotiations and rather continued bilaterally. Furthermore, evidence was found that the Peruvian government, at least on paper, attempted to represent the interests of the large majority of the Peruvians. To what extent it has succeeded in doing so has been difficult to assess given that the present research is largely based on official government documents. Further research, employing non-governmental Peruvian sources and (official) U.S. documentation on the negotiations, is needed to come to a fuller understanding of the starting positions of both governments and how much each party had given in to the demands of the other.Show less
