In the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political...Show moreIn the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political realities. This deterministic way of interpreting the relationship between the Middle Eastern environment and its inhabitants has been subject to critique from a growing body of literature on political ecology. Although some political ecology research has challenged environmental deterministic assumptions by exploring the role of natural resources in environmental challenges in the Gulf, previous works have not yet provided a comprehensive analysis of various environmental dimensions in a single case study context. This thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature by asking: What is the role of natural resources in engaging with environmental challenges in relation to water, food, and energy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE)? This thesis examines the political-ecological metabolisms of three strategies employed to address environmental challenges in relation to water, energy, and food in the UAE: desalination, solar energy, and land grabs. With an explicit focus on power, this study reveals that humans and nature are intertwined, challenging the conventional academic wisdom.Show less
On 15 September 2020, Israel and the United Arab Emirates signed the Abraham Accords Peace Agreement (AAPA), officially normalizing their relations. While the signatories and international...Show moreOn 15 September 2020, Israel and the United Arab Emirates signed the Abraham Accords Peace Agreement (AAPA), officially normalizing their relations. While the signatories and international proponents of the agreement portrayed the treaty co-sponsored by the United States as a landmark for peace in the Middle East, many have pointed out that Israel and the UAE have never been at war with one another. Moreover, a closer look at Israeli-Emirati relations reveals that their rapprochement can be traced back to the onset of the 1990s peace process between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). The covert rapprochement has been reinforced by shared security and stability concerns, as well as economic benefits reaped from bilateral trade. Based on these considerations, the present study seeks to answer the question as to what extent the AAPA represents change in Israeli-Emirati relations, as well as how the prominent discursive tool of peace used to frame the decision to officially normalize relations can be conceptualized in reality. It is argued that, despite grandiose proclamations of a “dawn of a new Middle East,” the AAPA does not actually represent a major qualitative change in Israeli- Emirati relations.1 Rather, it serves to deepen already existing relations in the interest of reinforcing the US-sponsored regional order, which is conceptualized as the Middle Eastern Pax Americana.Show less
This thesis examines the UAE’s nation-building effort in the context of the Saudi-led coalition’s military intervention to Yemen (2015-2018). In order to do so, a structuralist approach to...Show moreThis thesis examines the UAE’s nation-building effort in the context of the Saudi-led coalition’s military intervention to Yemen (2015-2018). In order to do so, a structuralist approach to International Relations and nationalism have been combined with a domestic approach to foreign-policymaking. The case study of the Khaleej Times newspaper explores, through a qualitative content analysis, how nation-building and nationalism have been flagged (sign-posted) in news items in the context of the Yemen war. The results show that while the UAE is heavily invested in its military intervention abroad, the news-making is focused on ‘softer’ subjects such as humanitarian aid. On the other hand, the approach of accounting for structural elements proves to be insightful. In a globalised, multipolar world, small states with enough resources can project power ‘above their leagues.’ To sum up, nation-building is certainly a continued effort in the UAE. The UAE relies heavily on its image to fulfil her geopolitical aims. What is apparent from the results of this study is that the UAE relies rather on soft power than “pure” hard power to achieve its foreign policy goals.Show less
Due to their geographic proximity, the Gulf and the Horn of Africa share a long history of economic, political and cultural ties. Recent years, however, have seen an unprecedented increase in the...Show moreDue to their geographic proximity, the Gulf and the Horn of Africa share a long history of economic, political and cultural ties. Recent years, however, have seen an unprecedented increase in the presence of Gulf actors in the Horn, accelerated by the Gulf-internal rivalry between Qatar on one side and the remaining members of the Gulf Cooperation Council on the other. With the help of the theoretical framework of Regional Security Complexes and the Spillover Effect, as well as process tracing methods, two country case studies examine how Gulf engagement, in particular the rivalry between Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, further destabilizes an already fragile region: In Somalia, the tensions between core and periphery have been exacerbated as a result of Qatar backing the central government in Mogadishu and the UAE supporting the federal states. In Sudan, the complicated transition process is prolonged as a result of Gulf powers pursuing opposing agendas in the post-Bashir political environment.Show less
