Although the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is described as a universal norm, it has long been contested by postcolonial and decolonial scholarship. Considering the Russian invasion and occupation...Show moreAlthough the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is described as a universal norm, it has long been contested by postcolonial and decolonial scholarship. Considering the Russian invasion and occupation of Ukraine, the conflict provides a rare possibility to compare the use of R2P between states in the Global North and the Global South. This Master thesis consequently conducts a comparative critical discourse analysis between discourse of the UNGA and UNSC on R2P in the cases of the Syrian Civil War and the Russian invasion and occupation of Ukraine. The analysis finds that the UN discourse reflects both colonial and decolonial dynamics. It has institutionalized various narratives to decolonize its approach, whilst still engaging in Eurocentric discourse. Moreover, the results indicate that the geopolitical positioning of both Ukraine and Syria have played a role in the UN’s R2P approach to each case.Show less
A seat in the United Nations Security Council is more attractive and prestigious than ever among the organisation’s member states. This thesis investigates the importance of credibility connected...Show moreA seat in the United Nations Security Council is more attractive and prestigious than ever among the organisation’s member states. This thesis investigates the importance of credibility connected to a running candidate’s campaign message in a contested security council election. By adopting a qualitative comparative analysis between the three candidates from the highly competitive Western European and Others Group election of 2020 - Canada, Ireland and Norway – this thesis aims to increase our knowledge of the determinant factors for successful campaigns. The results suggests that proven consistency and positive political engagement and results related to the communicated priorities in the campaign message – at least in relation to those of its competitors – can play a decisive role in the outcome of contested elections. However, the thesis cannot exclude any other possible determinants nor point out any single factor that is more decisive than the others. Nevertheless, the results open up for further research on political commitment as a determinant factor, with special focus on campaign messages.Show less
This thesis asks why Canada became a global leader in peacekeeping in the 1960s and 1970s. The thesis is conducted through an analysis of both domestic and international causes that played a role...Show moreThis thesis asks why Canada became a global leader in peacekeeping in the 1960s and 1970s. The thesis is conducted through an analysis of both domestic and international causes that played a role in Canada's acquisition of a disproportionally large role within global peacekeeping. These causes are extensively researched using two case studies, being the United Nations' peacekeeping mission in Congo in the 1960s as well as the mission in Cyprus in the 1960s and 1970s. Furthermore, the thesis analyses the link between the United Nations and Canada on the peacekeeping front and discusses why it is that the UN came to rely on Canada so heavily for global peacekeeping efforts in the time period of the 1960s and 1970s.Show less
China’s increased presence within the UN and its peacekeeping missions shows its will to be a responsible actor, whilst shifting away from the China threat theory that has fed Western thought....Show moreChina’s increased presence within the UN and its peacekeeping missions shows its will to be a responsible actor, whilst shifting away from the China threat theory that has fed Western thought. However, little research has been done on how power is perceived within this field. The state claims to be non-interventionist but still sent an increasing amount of combat troops to Africa. It is unknown if the end goal is to provide aid or if there is more to it. This study intends to research what China’s model for peace and development within the mission of South Sudan entails, both theoretically and practically, and how it might use an underlying strategy of smart power. Herein, Nye’s concept of smart power is a way for a nation to maximise its strength through a combination of hard and soft power. In order to measure smart power, the components of military, economic, and affective and normative soft power were used. Military and economic power exist on as spectrum ranging from hard to soft power, whilst soft power is also devised into tangible and intangible assets. To research power, the thesis has used a variation of academic sources, databases, newspapers, and official governmental papers. These were chosen as to examine official reporting and factual outcomes. The results showed that the Chinese model for development contains soft power elements, whilst its activities in South Sudan employ both soft and hard power. The results therefore suggest that China might pursue a smart power strategy to safeguard its own interests. The realist concept of power still holds up today and might prove valuable to research more areas of power in UN missions on the African continent.Show less
This thesis looks at the promotion of democracy within the Democratic Republic of Congo preformed by the UN mission MONUC. This thesis reasons that the strategy used within MONUC was not suitable...Show moreThis thesis looks at the promotion of democracy within the Democratic Republic of Congo preformed by the UN mission MONUC. This thesis reasons that the strategy used within MONUC was not suitable for the country as it was highly concentrated on the national level, barely taking the important local issues and causes for the continuing of violence into account. Next this thesis suggests that the promotion of democracy had unwanted side effects that partly evolved from the MONUC mandate that highly prioritised elections over the implementation of institutions that could have guided the elections and regulated the local security issues that the country was facing.Show less
Since their decolonisation, the DRC has endured a serie of wars leaving the country in a state of anarchy. Sexual violence has been used throughout the years as a tool to dominate the population...Show moreSince their decolonisation, the DRC has endured a serie of wars leaving the country in a state of anarchy. Sexual violence has been used throughout the years as a tool to dominate the population and undermine their powers in the society. The UN has been an important actor when assisting the victims of rape and they hold the responsability to protect the cvilians. However, they have not completly fulfilled their duties and the DRC remains known as the rape capital of the world. Despite MONUSCO being the largest and most expensive mission of the UN, the congolese populations still live with the fear to endure sexual violence, and its consequences, on a daily basis.Show less
The 21st century has seen China emerge as a leading global actor. China’s rise has been multifaceted as the East Asian state has become a leading political, strategic and economic power. China’s...Show moreThe 21st century has seen China emerge as a leading global actor. China’s rise has been multifaceted as the East Asian state has become a leading political, strategic and economic power. China’s rise has also extended to the UN. Since the turn of the century, China has undoubtedly increased it’s influence and become a leading UN peacekeeping force. This Thesis argues that China’s emergence and active contribution has impacted the UN’s peacekeeping norms. Since the 1940s, decades of Western dominance over the UN’s peacekeeping agenda displayed a liberal character and came to embrace ideas such as interventionism and the promotion of human rights. As China has increasingly engaged with the UN peacekeeping agenda and participated in UN peacekeeping missions, the UN has been influenced by China’s very distinct peacekeeping values, such as the promotion of state sovereignty.Show less
In the early 1990s, the UN intervened in Cambodia in order to democratise the country. Since then Cambodia has adopted more democratic institutions. Although the country became more democratic in...Show moreIn the early 1990s, the UN intervened in Cambodia in order to democratise the country. Since then Cambodia has adopted more democratic institutions. Although the country became more democratic in official terms, the country largely operates outside of accepted democratic values. The aim of this paper is therefore to find out to what extent Cambodia can be considered a democracy. Focussing on the indicators of democratisation and de-democratisation processes (breadth, equality, protection, and mutually binding consultation), it becomes clear that Cambodia has been experiencing a process of de-democratisation. At the same time, the ruling party managed to increase its state capacity. This has been a necessary tool for the party to stay in power. Acknowledging that high state capacity can contribute to democratisation processes, it is surprising that high state capacity and democratisation do not seem to go hand in hand in the Cambodian case. The form of state capacity is therefore an important aspect. Focussing on Cambodia, it soon becomes clear that the country deviates from the Western standard. Cambodian politics and economics are centred around patronage and neopatrimonialism. This has been the main reason why efforts towards democratisation have failed in Cambodia and why an authoritarian regime remains in power.Show less
The struggle between sovereignty and humanitarian intervention remains one of the fundamental controversies in international politics. The 1648 Treaty of Westphalia helped to bring peace to much of...Show moreThe struggle between sovereignty and humanitarian intervention remains one of the fundamental controversies in international politics. The 1648 Treaty of Westphalia helped to bring peace to much of the world through the creation and realisation of national sovereignty, however a growing global consciousness began to resist against this. The ratification of the responsibility to protect (R2P) doctrine in 2005 by the UN General Assembly set the humanitarian interventionist pendulum in motion. Providing a mechanism to facilitate foreign intervention in a sovereign state in order to protect human welfare, the R2P doctrine indicated a shark contrast with the past. Although proving successful in many cases, this doctrine has been pushed to its limits in Libya and Syria. Through content and discourse analysis this paper assesses the impact of the Libyan and Syrian crisis on the R2P doctrine, and as a result questions the feasibility and viability of the doctrine. R2P references in key UN documents show that R2P fails to positively influence decision making in the highest echelons of international diplomacy, while the comments of state representatives show that NATO’s un-mandated regime change in Libya has infected the doctrine. This infection has been so great that in its current form, R2P no-longer has a place in facilitating humanitarian intervention.Show less
Somalia and (South) Sudan belong to the most troubled countries in the world. All three of them are classified within the bottom 20% of the UNDP’s Human Development Index. Similarly, they have...Show moreSomalia and (South) Sudan belong to the most troubled countries in the world. All three of them are classified within the bottom 20% of the UNDP’s Human Development Index. Similarly, they have consistently been ranked in the top-5 of the Fragile States Index. Unsurprisingly, the contemporary history of Somalia and Sudan is characterized by chronic insecurity because of recurring civil wars between ethnic, tribal or clan-based groups and their governments. Therefore, the vast majority of international involvement in the Horn of Africa during the last twenty years has been directed at these countries. However, despite this ample attention, the deployed international military forces have thus far been unable to re-establish secure environments and rebuild state structures. Focusing on five distinct military interventions from 1990 to roughly 2010, this inquiry aims to measure the qualitative and quantitative contributions of Security Sector/System Reform (SSR) to the restoration of the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force. To this end, it addresses e.g. the progress made within Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programs. This inquiry then attempts to assess the legitimacy of the post-conflict state reconstruction effort by looking at e.g. the empowerment of civil society representatives and the progress made within community confidence-building measures. In doing so, this inquiry adopts Paul D. Miller’s concept of ‘armed state building’ as a theoretical framework. It therewith argues that – despite a growing number of criticisms – liberal institution-building has since the end of the Cold War remained the prevailing paradigm of state reconstruction efforts. Based on a reading of relevant literature, this inquiry contends that group identities in Somalia and Sudan have become interwoven with relative deprivation between them. The result have been enduring crises of citizenship and legitimacy in the state which continue to feed narratives that help to mobilize groups for violence. This inquiry finds that SSR has managed to increase the capacities of security and justice institutions, albeit in a vacuum. Analyses indicate how the (re)-established state institutions overall have been rather a-contextual, a-historic and frequently paralleled more capable, indigenous mechanisms. Simultaneously, the problems within the state’s legitimacy domain illustrate the complex environments, wherein international military forces e.g. were hampered by their cooperation with problematic local partners. This points to limitations within the military spheres of influence that affect soldiers’ ability to address the ‘root causes’ of conflict. This, in turn, leads to questions of how SSR should otherwise be treated within their activities, and how these armed state building efforts could best be complemented.Show less
Despite many warning signs, two of the deadliest genocides in modern history occurred right under the noses of the United Nations (UN). The Hutus in Rwanda killed approximately eight hundred...Show moreDespite many warning signs, two of the deadliest genocides in modern history occurred right under the noses of the United Nations (UN). The Hutus in Rwanda killed approximately eight hundred thousand Tutsis and Hutu sympathisers in 1994. A year later, Bosnian Serb forces were attempting to gain territory in Bosnia, and attacked Srebrenica. After taking over the town, the forces executed roughly eight thousand Bosnian Muslim men and buried them in mass graves. UN peacekeepers had been stationed in Rwanda and Srebrenica at the time of most of the killings, but were unable and unwilling to get involved in the conflicts. The UN high command had opportunities to intervene and stop the executions that were taking place because of ethnic differences, but they failed to do so. The international community was also indirectly involved in the genocides, as their inaction made it easy for the perpetrators to continue on their bloody path. The Dutch state has recently been held accountable by the Netherlands Court of Appeal for three hundred deaths that occurred during the Srebrenica massacre. However, no state has been taken to court by any plaintiffs for any of the deaths during the Rwandan genocide.Show less
Since the establishment of the UN, 80 former colonies have gained independence. However, in recent years, there have been a lot of different views on the current role of the UN in the...Show moreSince the establishment of the UN, 80 former colonies have gained independence. However, in recent years, there have been a lot of different views on the current role of the UN in the decolonization process. The criticism mainly addresses the Special Committee on Decolonization, but there is also criticism on the working of the UN in general. There are three types of criticism. The first is the fact that the decolonization process is out-dated, because the Special Committee has to stick to a mandate created in 1960, when there was still a lot of colonialism. The notion is that the colonies that are left can not be treated the same. The second is the fact that the there is a one-size-fits all approach to decolonization. This means that there are only three options in which the remaining non self-governing territories can be removed from the list. The third criticism on the decolonization process at the UN holds that Western interests are still seen as the most important and the non self-governing territories are decolonized according to a Western model. This criticism comes mainly from scholars, but also from member states and UN officials. Because of the fact that the criticism is so widespread and comes also from member states, the UN should do something with it. The criticism has risen in recent years because of the stagnation of the decolonization process. The stagnation occurred although there were special Decades for the Eradication of Colonialism, and these were thus seen as failed. This research examines to what extent the UN, and the Special Committee on Decolonization in particular, has handled the criticism on role of the UN in the decolonization process in the past ten years. It links the criticism with one of the remaining non selfgoverning territories. The case study is Tokelau, which is a small island territory of which New Zealand is the administering country. Tokelau is a non self-governing territory that did not face any internal problems. It is therefore very useful for this research, because then the main focus can on the working of the UN.Show less
