Over the past three years, ‘Critical Race Theory’ in schools has evoked considerable backlash from conservatives fearing progressive indoctrination. This has been referred to as an instance of...Show moreOver the past three years, ‘Critical Race Theory’ in schools has evoked considerable backlash from conservatives fearing progressive indoctrination. This has been referred to as an instance of moral panic by liberal journalists, yet their claims are not informed by sociological theory. Thus far, moral panic scholars have not studied the phenomenon. This thesis bridges the gap between media allegations and scholarly inquiry and examines the personal narrative of the most prominent ‘CRT’ opponent: Christopher Rufo. A qualitative content analysis uncovered Rufo’s narrative. Subsequently, the results were interpreted within the moral panic framework and complemented by the existing literature on ‘CRT’ in schools. The research concludes that Rufo’s personal narrative supports moral panic allegations by containing evidence for all five elements of moral panic. While this effort is largely exploratory, the results indicate the utility of further research considering ‘CRT’ in schools as a moral panic.Show less
This study describes what supply chain cyber-attacks are and how the energy sector is affected by this problem. The goal of the paper is to answer the research question: ‘To what extent can an...Show moreThis study describes what supply chain cyber-attacks are and how the energy sector is affected by this problem. The goal of the paper is to answer the research question: ‘To what extent can an increased institutional cooperation between the EU and the US create more secure supply chains within the energy sector?’. By assessing the Dragonfly 2.0 and the NotPetya cyberattacks on specifically energy sector companies, the study shows the limitations of the sectors’ cyber resilience. Possibilities in creating a more secure energy sector and its supply chains are to be found in increased cooperation between states. The transatlantic cooperation between the EU and the US is analyzed to examine how the two can support each other in creating a more secure cyberspace in the energy sector. More specifically, neoliberal institutionalism is used to explain the cooperation between the two via institutions. When states cooperate via institutions, they need to follow the same rules and need to adhere to the same security standards. For the energy supply chains, this can be one of the main ways to increase security, as there are collective rules and standards for these interconnected and complex chains. The study tries to build upon this theory of institutional neoliberalism to explore when states are willing to cooperate via institutions.Show less
In May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on...Show moreIn May 2017, during an election rally in Munich, Germany’s chancellor Angela Merkel said something that would create international headlines: ‘The times in which we could completely depend on others are on the way out. […] We Europeans have to take our destiny into our own hands’. The developments that followed were unique for the EU. The EU’s limited military structures already in place were being expanded, became more autonomous, and new mechanisms were created to foster more defence cooperation among the member states. Closer defence cooperation within the EU is generally being ascribed to geopolitical pressures, so how do the narratives of the US and Russia influence EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence? I combine the constructivist idea of perception with the realist idea of necessity and look at threat perception and the perceived necessity to cooperate further in defence. By analysing the narratives of the German and French political elite regarding EU defence cooperation in 2018, I come to the conclusion that while the US narratives significantly increase EU member states’ sense of urgency to cooperate in the field of defence, Russia’s narratives do not have such a significant impact.Show less
International organizations (IOs), like all other organisms, have a life cycle, and like any governance form, IOs need to adapt to the changes or become obsolete. NATO, a survivor of all threats...Show moreInternational organizations (IOs), like all other organisms, have a life cycle, and like any governance form, IOs need to adapt to the changes or become obsolete. NATO, a survivor of all threats that the global arena has thrown at it, faced a unique threat with Trump. This thesis explores IO survival with the case study of NATO during Trump’s presidency , focusing on what explains NATO’s survival of Trump’s threats. With the support of the broad academic literature on the IO survival and NATO’s persistence, three factors, namely member state benefits, the structure of NATO and domestic politics were studied through the process-tracing method. Evidence showed that a combination of factors placated Trump from withdrawing the US from NATO. The member states’ benefits and domestic politics factors had a significant impact, and NATO’s structure factor supported them.Show less
The study investigated through a theory-testing setup the notion of whether offensive neo-realist assumptions hold true in the case of US-energy considerations of its own energy security, something...Show moreThe study investigated through a theory-testing setup the notion of whether offensive neo-realist assumptions hold true in the case of US-energy considerations of its own energy security, something that has previously not been studied in the literature. The analysis did this in regards to China as the main adversary of the United States today. Through a process-type tracing method the paper analyzed three crises; the 1973 oil crisis, the 2000’s oil crisis and the 2000’s gas crisis over two subsequent presidential terms. The findings indicated that the offensive neo-realist assumptions of the US vigorously pursuing its own energy security and sabotaging China’s did not hold true. The findings did however show that the US still pursued its own energy security goals on the international arena in a moderate, yet assertive manner, more aligning with the theoretical tenets of defensive neorealism. Further research on whether or not the defensive neorealist findings hold true regarding US-China relations across time would be beneficial to the theoretical debate.Show less
The United States established the the United States Cyber Command (USCYBERCOM) in 2009 as a means of defending nation wide networks and infrastructure as well as to synchronise cyber operations...Show moreThe United States established the the United States Cyber Command (USCYBERCOM) in 2009 as a means of defending nation wide networks and infrastructure as well as to synchronise cyber operations across all US combatant commands. This thesis presents a framework analysis of USCYBERCOM and their implication with regards to cyber espionage. It was found that the US assumed a defensive cyber strategy due to increasing economic espionage (mainly theft of intellectual property) by its adversary China. The extent to which this defensive strategy proved to be effective against foreign cyber espionage remains vague. In the later years however, a new approach under the name ‘Defend Forward’ was established. By defending forward, the US aims to persistently engage in offensive cyber operations below the level of armed conflict, subsequently deterring enemies from conducting further cyber operations, including both cyber attacks and cyber espionage, against the US.Show less
This thesis argues that practice of presenting gifts to the UN by member states constitutes a vital part of the diplomatic discourse at the UN, as the gifts contribute – positively or negatively –...Show moreThis thesis argues that practice of presenting gifts to the UN by member states constitutes a vital part of the diplomatic discourse at the UN, as the gifts contribute – positively or negatively – to social solidarity by reflecting on the identity of the UN and the gift-giving motives related to instrumentality and power. This argument is substantiated by drawing on Komter’s (2009) theoretical framework, by drawing on Lister and Wells’ (2004) cultural studies approach to visual culture and by the analysis of an American gift, Canadian gift, and Soviet gift. The main findings of the analysis of the historical context, the context of viewing, the context of production and distribution and the material, cultural and social properties of the gift indicate that the gifts donated to the UN contribute to social solidarity irrespective of the political or cultural dispositions of the donating member-state based on the three aforementioned aspects. Nonetheless, the gifts do emphasize different aspects based on the self-interest of the donor.Show less
This thesis explores Panama’s relations with the US and China, across history and more specifically in the 21st century, through a neorealist lens. Neorealist assumptions are applied to the case,...Show moreThis thesis explores Panama’s relations with the US and China, across history and more specifically in the 21st century, through a neorealist lens. Neorealist assumptions are applied to the case, and Panama’s bandwagoning and balancing strategies with the US and China are discussed as observed by historical trends and economic data such as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), trade (Panamanian exports and imports from/to the US and China), foreign aid statistics, bilateral agreements, and diplomatic statements by high officials on economic and security issues. The study finds that China’s hegemonic rise in Panama-China relations represents merely an indication of China’s potential to be a long-term hegemonic challenger to US hegemony, and does not signify a shift in hegemony. Panama is seen to balance and bandwagon with both the US and China, choosing alignment depending on the perceived economic gains involved and potential threats to survival. Panama balances with their long-standing ally and regional hegemon, the US, to foremost secure survival in the long-term while in the short-term Panama bandwagons with China for economic gains. Panama’s consideration of China as alternative to the US as a greater power for alignment demonstrates China’s hegemonic character in LAC. Nonetheless, this case study shows that the US maintains its primacy and superiority as a hegemon due to its strong historical ties and yet unrivaled economic and military capacity.Show less
US foreign policy after the Cuban Revolution changed the way that the Cuban nation legitimated itself, which in turn influenced its national interests, and the way it interacted with other states...Show moreUS foreign policy after the Cuban Revolution changed the way that the Cuban nation legitimated itself, which in turn influenced its national interests, and the way it interacted with other states on an international level. This thesis and its following research contextualizes itself in the Cold War era - in 1959 after the Cuban Revolution up until recent history - and examines the key concepts of legitimacy, national security, and foreign policy while investigating their specificities in regards to the Cuban state. It also attempts to understand how political struggle with the US has shaped these things, and has forced the Cuban state to adapt. The first chapter introduces the key concepts, and provides a theoretical framework which remains the backdrop throughout the other two chapters. The second chapter introduces the case of Cuba, and provides a historical contextualization of the period after the taking of power of Fidel Castro and the Revolutionary government up until the end of Castro’s leadership. The third chapter dives into the start of the period after Castro’s exit from Cuban politics, and examines how the period of Obama’s administration from 2008-2016 is unique in comparison to its preceding history. It also analyses how the use of state legitimacy in Cuba has changed. Finally this thesis attempts to answer the question: To what extent is Cuban state legitimacy impacted through aggressive foreign policy with the US?Show less
In the beginning of 2018, The United States under President Trump started a trade war with China. At the same time Japan-United States relations experienced similar tensions due to a trade deficit....Show moreIn the beginning of 2018, The United States under President Trump started a trade war with China. At the same time Japan-United States relations experienced similar tensions due to a trade deficit. This paper will investigate Japan’s changed diplomacy towards China amidst the ongoing China-United States trade war. The study focuses on a recent official visit by Japan’s Prime Minister Abe to China that took place from the 25th to the 27th of October 2018. The visit was to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Japan and China. In order to portray Japan’s changed diplomacy primary sources of the visit will be used, as well as secondary sources from Chinese and Japanese media (such as the Japan Times and South China Morning Post). To further answer this question, economic diplomacy is used as a theoretical framework. This thesis finds that Sino-Japanese relations have stabilized due to tensions from the United States and both parties seek to improve economic relations. The visit also paved a way for future visits and thus a continued strengthening of Sino-Japanese relations and building of trust. However, bilateral historical and territorial issues remain unresolved.Show less
There is quite a difference in corporate culture between Japan and the US. Despite this, both countries have many companies that thrive in many sectors worldwide, the video game industry being one...Show moreThere is quite a difference in corporate culture between Japan and the US. Despite this, both countries have many companies that thrive in many sectors worldwide, the video game industry being one of them. This seems to imply that there are multiple paths to success when it comes to running a company, or are there perhaps other factors playing? This analysis will focus mainly on Nintendo and Valve, from Japan and the US respectively, as both exemplify the differences in corporate culture between the 2 countries and both have found great success as a company. Analyzing them will hopefully give a better understanding of the differences between the corporate culture of the 2 countries, as well as finding out whether their respective corporate cultures have contributed to their success.Show less
In light of recent debates on post-truth politics within a discourse of populism, and a socio-political American zeitgeist of uncertainty and ambiguity, questions arise considering the recent...Show moreIn light of recent debates on post-truth politics within a discourse of populism, and a socio-political American zeitgeist of uncertainty and ambiguity, questions arise considering the recent dramatic interpretations of this socio-political atmosphere. In an attempt to highlight the complex nexus between visual culture and politics, this thesis examines this intersection between culture and politics using the American political climate as a case study of a larger global political trend of democracy fatigue, post-truth politics, and populist discourses. This thesis sheds light on the hopeful and critical postmodern dramatic storytelling that illustrates the importance of critical drama within a contemporary post-truth American socio-political sphere. As there has been a longstanding academic focus on the authoritative accounts in cinema and television, particularly in a post 9/11 context, this study embraces a discourse analysis that is concerned with how such accounts are ‘contested’. Drawing on a postmodern theoretical framework and HBO’s The Night Of, this thesis offers a fresh analysis of post-truth politics and the ability of visual culture to present and highlight a disillusionment with political currents.Show less
When the reversion of Okinawa occurred in 1972, the island already was a complex amalgamation of various identities: heirs of indigenous Ryukyu culture, second-class Japanse citizens subjected to...Show moreWhen the reversion of Okinawa occurred in 1972, the island already was a complex amalgamation of various identities: heirs of indigenous Ryukyu culture, second-class Japanse citizens subjected to discrimination and war victims betrayed by its own government and colonised by a foreign force. Literally rising from the ashes, Okinawa has been reformulating its identity once again in face of challenges resulting from their marginal position amidst two greater powers. These include war trauma, economic rebuilding, continued discrimination by the mainland and persisting US base issues. Similar to a kaleidoscope, one can reposition individual elements to create a new constellation. Depending on the observer, different views and meanings can be constructed and interpreted. This thesis examines how Okinawans as a minority have emphasised and/or rearranged certain cultural symbols or narratives, creating new identities and using them as weapons, in order to negotiate a better standing within Japan following the period after the revision. Some developments that immediately come to mind are the emergence of civil society based on universal values of democracy, peace and ecology and the embedding of Okinawans as historical victims of the Japanese government and the mobilization of historical memory. I will be primarily focussing on contemporary post-reversion literature in my analysis, intending on researching the presence of these new identitities within contemporary novels. My objective is to observe if and/or how the ‘main model’ mentioned above is reflected and if the tendencies of modern literature have shifted accordingly.Show less
This thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political...Show moreThis thesis researches the rise of China from a US political discourse perspective by taking a post-structuralist approach. It employs a critical discourse analysis to analyze elitist political discourse of the Obama administration for securitization moves of the rise of China. This research provides a unique perspective on the US-China security relationship and adds to the understanding how language shapes the meaning of security as well as foreign policy. This thesis shows that in discourse of the foreign policy executives of the Obama administration between May and October 2015 there are substantial instances in which the rise of China is being discussed as a threat to US economic and military securities. In line of this threat discourse, security measures are promoted and legitimized. These are among others: investing in military technology development, supporting the Trans-Pacific Partnership, promoting Chinese economic reforms, and investment in developing cyber capabilities.Show less
The thesis comprises the main motives for Shinzo Abe and Barack Obama to commit to apology events and speeches in 2016 at Hiroshima and Pearl Harbor respectively, as well as a more detailed look at...Show moreThe thesis comprises the main motives for Shinzo Abe and Barack Obama to commit to apology events and speeches in 2016 at Hiroshima and Pearl Harbor respectively, as well as a more detailed look at the circumstances that allowed for the to take place, as well as the role of public opinion and support for the two political leaders.Show less
When president Obama announced the Asia Pivot in 2011, the US was facing an increased security threat from China. With this increased security threat, structural realism expects balancing behaviour...Show moreWhen president Obama announced the Asia Pivot in 2011, the US was facing an increased security threat from China. With this increased security threat, structural realism expects balancing behaviour. The pivot contains elements which indicate balancing behaviour, whereas other elements do not. Neoclassical realism argues that the policymaking process is influenced by several forces. Firstly, leader images influence the process, and Obama’s image of international relations is one of pragmatism, and a believe that China’s growth could prove a good thing. Furthermore, the US strategic culture relies heavily on technology, state-society relations are characterised by a belief in global capitalism, and the Great Recession was the issue of the time, impacting all groups in society. Foreign policy decision making knows multiple actors in the US system. All the aforementioned factors influence the actual policymaking process, which begins at the perception of the systemic incentives. Obama understood the risks China posed, but believed a pragmatist mix between the carrot and the stick was best to deal with the threat. He thought the solution to the Great Recession was in International Trade, and China could help with that as well as his foreign policy goals of solving the nuclear threats from Iran and North-Korea. Foreign policy was also an easy victory in the Republican dominated House, which blocked his domestic agenda, and with the Pivot supported by the Republicans, Obama may have hoped that the Republicans would come along a bit more on his domestic agenda. The decision-making of the pivot was not so easy, however. Surprisingly enough not because many wanted the president to be tougher on China, but because the people were tired of US interventionism, and the political actors from Obama’s own party were reluctant to support a trade deal. TPP was supported by corporations, republicans and the people, but not by the democrats, and labour unions. The military component of the pivot was costly. Lastly, the US cultural trust in technology may well explain its tough approach in the cyber war with China. The policy-implementation phase was characterised by disagreement between different parts of the Administration. The State Department, Department of Defence and the President occasionally found each other at the other end of the table. In Obama’s second Administration, the execution of the Pivot seems to have slowed down. In conclusion: neoclassical realism gives a more inclusive account of the pivot. The implications hereof are that in due time, we may have to come to the conclusion that neoclassical realism is better suited to explain actual state behaviour. Other implications may be that the determinism underlying Gilpin’s power transitioning theory is not matching reality. In short, the implication of this research is that states are in fact not unitary actors, but domestic agency matters next to structural incentives.Show less
