This thesis investigates how the German Federal Government lives up to its normative and international commitments and initiatives to harmonize arms export controls. By analyzing existing data from...Show moreThis thesis investigates how the German Federal Government lives up to its normative and international commitments and initiatives to harmonize arms export controls. By analyzing existing data from the Federal Government’s yearly reports on its policy on exports of conventional military equipment and applying the International Relations Theories of Neorealism and Neoliberalism, it highlights the inseparability of arms export policy frameworks and foreign and security policy interests in the case of Germany. Furthermore, this thesis calls attention to the hierarchical structure that exists within this inseparability where the country’s arms export policy framework is given a secondary role to its foreign and security interests.Show less
The utilization of information as a weapon is not a phenomenon new to the 21st century. The intergovernmentalist nature of the European Union has been a crucial factor, fostering and constraining,...Show moreThe utilization of information as a weapon is not a phenomenon new to the 21st century. The intergovernmentalist nature of the European Union has been a crucial factor, fostering and constraining, the efforts of developing coherent and unified strategies to counter information warfare tactics. The Union has been challenged by Russia’s aggressive information warfare throughout the course of the Ukraine Crisis. The political theater has been undermined by the spread of disinformation and pro-Kremlin propaganda as a result of the conflict in Ukraine mainly aimed at weakening Western powers.Show less
While NATO has served as Europe’s main security provider for decades, the European Union is developing its own role as an international security actor. This role of the EU has become especially...Show moreWhile NATO has served as Europe’s main security provider for decades, the European Union is developing its own role as an international security actor. This role of the EU has become especially relevant after the Ukraine Crisis, which increased tensions between the EU and Russia. Sweden and Finland, two member-states of the EU, fear for additional Russian hostilities; they seek more security after the Ukraine Crisis. However, due to their neutrality policies, they are not members of NATO. While Sweden and Finland now have a higher demand for security, they cannot turn to NATO in order to attain it. This research aims to find out whether Sweden and Finland therefore look more to the EU for their security by approaching the following question: to what extent have Sweden and Finland become more in favor of European defense integration after the Ukraine Crisis? Sweden and Finland will be analyzed separately. To find out what their preferences towards EU defense integration are, the following variables will be studied: government reports ; statements made by government officials ; expenditure on common EU defense capabilities ; and total defense expenditure. The findings before the Ukraine Crisis will be compared to the findings after the Ukraine Crisis, so that a comparison can be made. In this way, conclusions can be drawn as to whether or not the countries became more in favor of EU defense integration after the Ukraine Crisis. To explain the findings, a cost-benefit analysis will be made based on the theory of rational choice institutionalism.Show less
This thesis analyzes whether the depiction of Putin’s obstinate attitude towards international agreements is correct, or whether Russia appears to be less obstinate in handling the conflict in...Show moreThis thesis analyzes whether the depiction of Putin’s obstinate attitude towards international agreements is correct, or whether Russia appears to be less obstinate in handling the conflict in Ukraine when working within the OSCE and the Council of Europe. The analysis is based on the theory of socialization in international organizations and argues that the Russian delegation has not internalized the common lifeworld of the Council of Europe and has only to a certain extent internalized the common lifeworld of the OSCE. Instead, the Russian delegation's socialization can be considered as Type I socialization, meaning that the Russian delegation engages in conscious role play.Show less
Since 2009, smart power has been the leading foreign policy concept of the Obama Administration. While the concept of smart power has been extensively researched, questions about the conversion of...Show moreSince 2009, smart power has been the leading foreign policy concept of the Obama Administration. While the concept of smart power has been extensively researched, questions about the conversion of smart power theory into practice remain. This thesis examines the way in which smart power is implemented in American foreign policy regarding the Ukraine Crisis and the South China Sea conflict, taking into account the context of the changing nature of power in the twenty-first century.Show less
