This thesis assesses whether the EU is as a market power shaping third countries' legislation and policies as asserted by "Market Power Europe", a theoretical framework, which has been...Show moreThis thesis assesses whether the EU is as a market power shaping third countries' legislation and policies as asserted by "Market Power Europe", a theoretical framework, which has been insufficiently explored in the literature so far. More concretely it is scrutinised if electricity market liberalisation and emissions trading acquis has been externalised to Switzerland and Ukraine. First, it is shown that there is market power potential in the field of energy, as the European regulatory order was increasingly strengthened since the mid-1990s and gave birth to two significant markets for electricity and carbon emissions trade. Second, it is demonstrated that even though acquis externalization occurred to a certain extent in both cases, four intervening variables filtered the EU's market power. Indeed, market interconnectedness, political culture, the nature of the political system and the level of institutionalization of the EU's relations with a third country need to be taken into account when assessing the EU's market power in a given third country. These findings are not only theoretically relevant, they also suggest that the EU should concentrate on the development of its Single Market and regulatory order as well as on solid institutional framework conditions to cement its power towards third countries and enlarge its global influence.Show less
This thesis compares the EU’s discourse on its energy relations with Russia prior to the Ukraine crisis and after it. The discourse analysis is embedded in a Constructivist framework and focuses on...Show moreThis thesis compares the EU’s discourse on its energy relations with Russia prior to the Ukraine crisis and after it. The discourse analysis is embedded in a Constructivist framework and focuses on the question whether continuities and discontinuities in the discourse indicate a successful or deficient construction of EU-Russian energy relations by the EU. This analysis shows that even though there are discontinuities between the two periods, these do not indicate a major failure in developing a suitable energy strategy. This evaluation is based on the result that the discontinuities found only represent shifts in the emphases on different elements of the discourse. The early discourse therefore already included most of the strategic elements that became necessary to deal properly with Russia and to ensure the EU’s energy security once the Crisis broke out.Show less
This thesis argues that the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Ukraine president Petro Poroshenko have so far justified their territorial claims to Crimea in strikingly similar ways. Through a...Show moreThis thesis argues that the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Ukraine president Petro Poroshenko have so far justified their territorial claims to Crimea in strikingly similar ways. Through a qualitative and quantitative content analysis of each president's key speeches, this study finds that both presidents emphasise national-historical arguments when addressing a domestic audience and normative arguments when addressing an international audience, but that both presidents weave the two types of arguments together to create an overall narrative. When compared against each other, this study also finds that Putin uses the most national-historical arguments while Poroshenko uses the most normative arguments. Several conclusions are drawn from these findings, including that the plethora of possible legitimation strategies make positions in a conflict relatively easy to justify, that the Crimea conflict is likely to be intractable, and that more research should be conducted on legitimation strategies in territorial disputes.Show less
How do Ukranian and Russian people refer to the separatists? Turns out that Ukraine is using more propaganda then the separatists or Russia. This thesis is meant to open the way to several new...Show moreHow do Ukranian and Russian people refer to the separatists? Turns out that Ukraine is using more propaganda then the separatists or Russia. This thesis is meant to open the way to several new researches on the languagepolicy of Ukraine.Show less
This paper is on one of the seminal events in Ukrainian history, the Holodomor. The paper seeks to apply the theory of genocidal consolidation to the Holodomor to determine the answer to “why”...Show moreThis paper is on one of the seminal events in Ukrainian history, the Holodomor. The paper seeks to apply the theory of genocidal consolidation to the Holodomor to determine the answer to “why” Stalin executed a genocide against the Ukrainian nation. More specifically, the paper seeks to link the mass killings in Ukraine to Stalin and Stalin’s personal position within the Soviet Union. In seeking the answer previously mentioned, the paper relies on the method of process tracing. The underlying hypothesis of the paper is that the theory of genocidal consolidation best explains the Holodomor and links Stalin to it, using the methodology previously described. By using and exploring genocidal consolidation vis a vie the Holodomor the paper also seeks to further bolster the connection between mass political violence and authoritarian politics. Additionally, the paper sought to expand on genocidal consolidation and add to the already existing research and theoretical applications by attempting to explore the Holodomor through genocidal consolidation. Lastly, it should be stated that the often ambitious aims of this paper allow for further exploration on the topic and potential missed linkages between the Holodomor and Stalin.Show less
In this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have...Show moreIn this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have been catechized through pro-Kremlin media, to destabilize an adversary state and allow the intervening state deniability of involvement. The goal of this thesis was to determine if such a deniable intervention could be replicated by Russia in other states and therefore constitutes a regional threat. Four conditions were identified as having an influence on the efficaciousness of a deniable intervention. Consequently an empirical analysis was made to ascertain the extent to which these conditions are present in four cases: Belarus, Estonia, Latvia and Kazakhstan.Show less
An exploration of the implication's that the Kremlin's use of soft power during the annexation of Crimea has on the politics of the post-soviet space and, more broadly, on our understanding of soft...Show moreAn exploration of the implication's that the Kremlin's use of soft power during the annexation of Crimea has on the politics of the post-soviet space and, more broadly, on our understanding of soft power as a whole.Show less
Few academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of...Show moreFew academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of Ukraine shows both the strengths and weaknesses of the post-colonial approach. While it is clear that a neo-colonial attitude does exist in Russia, this does not mean it directly influences individual foreign policy decisions. Post-colonialism cannot explain why Ukraine specifically is so important to Russia. Although Russia believes it has a civilising mission in the post-Soviet space in general, post-colonialism cannot explain Moscow’s specific policy response.Show less
This thesis examines the role the Ukrainian nationalist Stepan Bandera played in the building of a Ukrainian state. Firstly, it pays attention to Bandera's life and death. Afterwards, attention has...Show moreThis thesis examines the role the Ukrainian nationalist Stepan Bandera played in the building of a Ukrainian state. Firstly, it pays attention to Bandera's life and death. Afterwards, attention has been paid to the 'Bandera myths', the 'Hero of Ukraine' award and the Euromaidan protests.Show less
Humanitarian ideals are increasingly driving the rhetoric of intervention in the post-Cold War period. Is this indicative of conscientious international environment, or are more cynical...Show moreHumanitarian ideals are increasingly driving the rhetoric of intervention in the post-Cold War period. Is this indicative of conscientious international environment, or are more cynical machinations responsible? Through the analysis of the political rhetoric of prominent case studies, this paper seeks to determine the nature of humanitarian intervention in relation to contemporary understandings of international politics.Show less
This thesis seeks to gain insight in the current state of Russo-Ukrainian gas relations by focusing on how both sides have perceived their mutual gas trade during the 2014 conflict in Eastern...Show moreThis thesis seeks to gain insight in the current state of Russo-Ukrainian gas relations by focusing on how both sides have perceived their mutual gas trade during the 2014 conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Specifically, it looks into the recent changes in Russia’s energy policies towards Ukraine, most notably the increase in gas prices and the termination of discounts, that have led to a gas dispute between the two parties. In order to do so, a discourse analysis is conducted on speeches, interviews and other documents like news updates and transcripts of official visits that were issued by the Russian and Ukrainian governments. The results of this thesis show that different actors can have a significantly different perception of certain events, depending on the ways in which they ascribe meaning to them. It is shown that while the Russian official discourse surrounding the 2014 gas dispute has a strong commercial focus, presenting legal and economic arguments to justify Russia’s actions, the Ukrainian discourse frames it as an issue of politics and national security, perceiving it as part of the broader military conflict between the two states.Show less
Making sense of Ukrainian history, let alone its politics, has a never been an easy thing to do, but when history and politics came together in the issue of Holodomor, the matter became utterly...Show moreMaking sense of Ukrainian history, let alone its politics, has a never been an easy thing to do, but when history and politics came together in the issue of Holodomor, the matter became utterly complicated. Known to have been an artificial famine that plagued mainly the southeast of Soviet Socialist Republic of Ukraine in 1932-1933, Holodomor had emerged at the centre of public debates when the State of Ukraine recognized it as the Ukrainian genocide in 2006. This thesis examines why the understanding of Holodomor transformed into a genocide under President Yushschenko. The famine has always been a controversial issue: it was silenced under the Soviet Union, in the post-Soviet Ukraine it was not much spoken of either. The Ukrainian diaspora, however, deemed it a genocide all along, and awaited its moment to import this matter back into Ukraine. This moment evidently arrived with Yushchenko’s victory in the Orange Revolution. In the following I am trying to understand how the understanding of Holodomor as a genocide manifested itself in Ukraine, and what it meant for the Ukrainian identity. I have approached the issue from three different perspectives: its significance in the reading of first hand accounts of the famine; its popularity with historians and historical narratives; and its role in the political life of Ukraine and nation building. Hereby I have analyzed diaries, historical works, presidential decrees, various secondary literature, many more. Evidently it has become my conclusion that the understanding of Holodomor as a genocide brought little historical significance in the way it was deployed by Ukrainian scholars and members of the diaspora. Instead its “added value” lay with the political claims to a distinct Ukrainian national identity, which had nevertheless failed to prove useful to the Ukrainian public.Show less
This thesis aims to explain diverging democratic transitions in two Post-Communist states. The degree and manner of party system institutionalization and party regulation is presuppossed to have a...Show moreThis thesis aims to explain diverging democratic transitions in two Post-Communist states. The degree and manner of party system institutionalization and party regulation is presuppossed to have a major impact on both democratization as the way party democracy is functioning. The study uses a time-series method of analysis to identify changes in party system regulation and links these changes to the stability of a party system such as electoral volatility and party strength. By doing so, this thesis delivers a valuable insight in the pivotal role party system institutionalization plays in democratization and the stabilization of young party systems.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
This work examines the discourse of the political leaders on the Crimean crisis of 2014. It explores the development of national identities of Russia and Ukraine, from historical roots to modernity...Show moreThis work examines the discourse of the political leaders on the Crimean crisis of 2014. It explores the development of national identities of Russia and Ukraine, from historical roots to modernity, in the context of political discoursive encounters. This work is focused on the struggle for legitimization, the Other, and the states as actors that emerge in the discourse.Show less
