In the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political...Show moreIn the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political realities. This deterministic way of interpreting the relationship between the Middle Eastern environment and its inhabitants has been subject to critique from a growing body of literature on political ecology. Although some political ecology research has challenged environmental deterministic assumptions by exploring the role of natural resources in environmental challenges in the Gulf, previous works have not yet provided a comprehensive analysis of various environmental dimensions in a single case study context. This thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature by asking: What is the role of natural resources in engaging with environmental challenges in relation to water, food, and energy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE)? This thesis examines the political-ecological metabolisms of three strategies employed to address environmental challenges in relation to water, energy, and food in the UAE: desalination, solar energy, and land grabs. With an explicit focus on power, this study reveals that humans and nature are intertwined, challenging the conventional academic wisdom.Show less
With its illustrious buildings and infrastructure, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a global tourist destination. In June 2019, the building projects in UAE were estimated at 3 trillion AED. This...Show moreWith its illustrious buildings and infrastructure, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a global tourist destination. In June 2019, the building projects in UAE were estimated at 3 trillion AED. This construction industry sustains itself through the thousands of migrant workers it employs who mostly belong to South-Asian countries such as India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, etc. Generally, they are carried to the GCC via the Kafala system. This essay will aim to answer the question, “What are the various ways that are used to contest the condition of the migrant labourers against the state in UAE?” In order to answer the question, this essay will first give a brief overview about the conditions and general situation of the migrant labourers, how the exclusion of labourers is done through the citizenship rules, kafala system and lack of labour laws. The literature review will discuss different theories to try and explain the mechanisms behind immigrant protests in the UAE. Further, the paper will discuss the various ways that have been used to contest the conditions of the migrant labourers against the state including protests and suicides by the labour, international pressure, efforts by activists, non-governmental organisations and students. It will analyse what methods have been successful and which have not been successful in bringing about change. This thesis agrees with the statement that while the UAE has made recent changes to their Labour Law and Kafala System which are indeed a step in the right direction, they need to actually enforce the changes through proper channels and governance while also increasing the penalties significantly in case the law is broken by wealthy sponsors and companies who exploit migrant labourers by charging them exorbitant fees in order to stop the long standing system of exploitation and treatment of migrant labourers as slave labour.Show less
This thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States to normalize their relationships with Israel while building on IR literature. It explores the ties between the states from an economic and security perspective.Show less
The role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral...Show moreThe role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral normalization agreements. This research problem will be investigated in the context of the Abraham Accords, a recently signed normalization agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. Three empirical chapters analyze economic incentives that were present in 2020 in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility. Central research findings include firstly, the UAE’s economic diversification leads to a demand of modern technologies which fits into Israel’s characteristic as a tech-driven export economy. Secondly, the UAE’s reinvestment of petrodollars through foreign direct investments connects well to Israel’s start-up sector that relies on investments. Thirdly, (religious) tourism is not only of economic importance for both States, but people mobility is necessary to facilitate economic cooperation in the spheres of trade & economic relations and finance & investment. Based on these findings the main argument is that political-economic incentives in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility were the main driver for Israel and the UAE to sign the Abraham Accords. International Relations theory in the form of Realism, Liberalism, Constructivism, and Marxism is applied as the study’s theoretical framework to better understand the State behavior and decisions taken by Israel and the UAE. The study concludes that these research findings are significant to understand incentives for potential future normalization agreements, particularly between Israel and other Arab States.Show less
This thesis examines the UAE’s nation-building effort in the context of the Saudi-led coalition’s military intervention to Yemen (2015-2018). In order to do so, a structuralist approach to...Show moreThis thesis examines the UAE’s nation-building effort in the context of the Saudi-led coalition’s military intervention to Yemen (2015-2018). In order to do so, a structuralist approach to International Relations and nationalism have been combined with a domestic approach to foreign-policymaking. The case study of the Khaleej Times newspaper explores, through a qualitative content analysis, how nation-building and nationalism have been flagged (sign-posted) in news items in the context of the Yemen war. The results show that while the UAE is heavily invested in its military intervention abroad, the news-making is focused on ‘softer’ subjects such as humanitarian aid. On the other hand, the approach of accounting for structural elements proves to be insightful. In a globalised, multipolar world, small states with enough resources can project power ‘above their leagues.’ To sum up, nation-building is certainly a continued effort in the UAE. The UAE relies heavily on its image to fulfil her geopolitical aims. What is apparent from the results of this study is that the UAE relies rather on soft power than “pure” hard power to achieve its foreign policy goals.Show less
This research has investigated the United Arab Emirates’ (UAE) attempts to transition to a knowledge-based economy (KBE), in accordance with UAE Vision 2021. Using systems theory and based on...Show moreThis research has investigated the United Arab Emirates’ (UAE) attempts to transition to a knowledge-based economy (KBE), in accordance with UAE Vision 2021. Using systems theory and based on interviews conducted with experts on the Gulf, this study focuses specifically on the pillars of education and innovation within the existing education system. The findings indicate that the UAE’s focus on improving its gains in the four pillars of education, innovation, ICT infrastructure and the institutional regime have yielded some progress over time. However, since the existing education system does not effectively address local obstacles on the national, institutional and cultural levels, the above-mentioned hurdles remain and continue to negatively affect the UAE’s journey toward becoming a KBE. As such, in accordance with the suggestions of key experts in education, it is important for the Emirati government to identify specific education-related challenges in order to address these local issues instead of focusing almost exclusively on global indicators.Show less
In the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of...Show moreIn the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of these aid donors, having established a foreign aid system in its founding year 1971. Due to the lack of transparency in its aid practices and the small size of the country, the UAE’s aid practices have been understudied. However, some moves towards greater transparency have developed and thus renewed investigation into this question is possible (Almezaini 2012). One of the UAE’s major foreign aid beneficiaries is Egypt, particularly since 2013 when the largest share of UAE foreign aid was directed to the country (MICAID 2014). This thesis analyzes the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt since 2011. In so doing, it outlines theories of aid allocation and proposes an alternative to the theory of constructivism. Moreover, it posits that the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt are twofold: a desire to influence Egypt’s political landscape and a perceived threat of rising Muslim Brotherhood and political Islam rhetoric in a regionally influential country.Show less
Since 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of...Show moreSince 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of many states in the region took to the streets in attempting to embark on a process that would democratize their nation. Scholars argue over the exact reasons for the uprisings, however, consensus exists over the fact that it stems from political, economic, and social dissatisfaction. The revolts started in Tunisia and set a chain reaction in motion, eventually reaching the shores of Gulf Cooperation Council, an economic and political union comprising of the Arabian Gulf States of Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. Although the kingdoms of the Arabian Gulf are rather similar in their socio-economic and political build-up, the GCC witnessed both minor and major uprisings kind of revolt and the respective nations responded in different manners to its domestic uprisings. This BA thesis seeks to create a detailed analysis of the distinct nature of the uprisings that took place within the borders of the GCC. Most GCC members experienced some sort of public unrest one way or another with Bahrain and Oman witnessing persistent violent street protests. After doing preliminary readings, it has become clear that the GCC-states can be divided into three different groups based on the intensity of the riots as well as the governments’ responses to the demands of its citizens. The first group consists of those countries that witnessed enduring riots resulting in the deaths among its citizens, like Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia. The second group of nations consists of those which experienced minor protests that did not result in any deaths among protestors. The only country fitting into this group is Kuwait. Lastly, the governments of both Qatar and the United Arab Emirates did not have to deal with domestic uprisings, however, there was some unrest, especially through online activism. Specifically, my research will attempt to disclose the plausibilities behind the distinct levels of intensity of the civil uprisings which took place in these structurally similar kingdoms. The presence of the rentier state undoubtedly plays a crucial role in the lives of GCC citizens as well as in the preamble of the uprisings in the GCC, however, the question regarding the rationale behind citizens’ discontent as well as the intensity of governments’ counteractions remains. The research for this BA thesis aims at assessing sources through means of qualitative research by examining reports, news articles, nevertheless focussing on engaging with the academic literature on the topic. By analyzing these sources, I will be able to draw analogies and comprehend the discrepancies which took place during the Arab Spring’s civil uprisings in the GCC. Moreover, my thesis will evaluate GCC member states’ different sorts of uprisings and their dissimilar responses to the revolts within their own physical and symbolic space. Additionally, the paper discloses the GCC’s revolts and respective reactions without delving into the main causes of the Arab Spring. The paper is structured as follows. The first section will introduce the GCC’s socio-political climate, the concept of the rentier state, and its usefulness to describe the rationale behind the discrepancies between the civil uprisings in each different country. The central part of the thesis will discuss the GCC’s the dissimilarity in the civil uprisings’ intensities as well as the unalike approach governments took regarding their citizens’ demands. The final section will reveal the research’s findings and draw several conclusions. In addition to this, a prediction will be made for the future based on the reactions and concessions made by governments at the time of the uprisings and whether this will prove beneficial in the long-term.Show less
Today, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has the largest recipients of migrants in the world. In order to govern the progressively migrant population in the GCC, the Kafala system was created. The...Show moreToday, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has the largest recipients of migrants in the world. In order to govern the progressively migrant population in the GCC, the Kafala system was created. The system requires the sponsor-employer to assume full legal and economic responsibility for the migrant worker during their period in the GCC. Traditionally, the majority of literature on the Kafala system derives from human rights groups that criticize the sponsorship system. Human rights groups have gone so far as claiming the Kafala is a form of contemporary slavery and therefore should be abolished. Considering the claims made by the Human rights groups, this thesis analyzes how the Kafala system is comparable to a form of contemporary slavery and whether it is accurate to say that these workers are modern-day slaves.Show less
This thesis deals with the issue of the Abu Musa and Greater and Lesser Tunb Islands. These islands are disputed by the Islamic Republic of Iran, who currently occupies them, and the United Arab...Show moreThis thesis deals with the issue of the Abu Musa and Greater and Lesser Tunb Islands. These islands are disputed by the Islamic Republic of Iran, who currently occupies them, and the United Arab Emirates, who to this day claim the islands as theirs. The strategic significance of the islands is not to be underestimated, as they lay directly in the main shipping lanes through which a significant portion of the world’s oil is transported. This paper has looked at the historical events that shaped the situation today, with a focus on the period between independence of the United Arab Emirates and the mid-1990’s. This timeframe is further divided in three parts, the events surrounding independence, the period of upheaval attempted détente during the late 1970’s and 1980’s and finally the reescalation of the issue after the First Gulf War of 1991.Using the theory of offensive realism as devised by John Mearsheimer and the associated concepts of power balancing, buck passing, off shore balancing and the role of the off shore balancer the events during this period have been analysed to answer the question whether this theory can explain the absence of warfare between the U.A.E. and Iran. Even though at times the situation seemed to be heading for war, the simple discrepancy between the capabilities of the U.A.E. and Iran resulted in a carefully balanced status quo that has been maintained since 1971 thereby weakening the key offensive realist assumption that the offensive is always profitable.Show less
