Throughout the past decades, nuclear accidents have had a significant impact on the debate surrounding nuclear energy, causing public concern about the safety and reliability of utilising nuclear...Show moreThroughout the past decades, nuclear accidents have had a significant impact on the debate surrounding nuclear energy, causing public concern about the safety and reliability of utilising nuclear energy. In the last year, public concern has been fueled up again because of the Russian bombing and occupation of Europe’s largest nuclear power plant, Zaporizhzhia in Ukraine. This study seeks to investigate to what extent the media is framing nuclear energy, by especially looking at articles since the events at Zaporizhzhia. The media present various narratives regarding social concerns and debates, such as nuclear energy, and can affect public opinion by the selection of topics, frames and sources that the media uses. The main purpose of this research is to explore the presence of framing of nuclear energy in British and Irish mainstream newspapers. The study will focus on how nuclear energy is represented in news articles in a sample of mainstream news media outlets in both the United Kingdom (UK) and Ireland. Fifteen articles from four different newspapers and with different political stances were collected and coded for analysis using a comparative content analysis and a risk-benefit coding scheme. The coding scheme was both based on an existing set of codes from previous research and existing theories, as well as newly generated codes. The results from this analysis demonstrated that British media tends to be overall supportive of nuclear energy, even after the events at Zaporizhzhia. In comparison, analysis revealed that the Irish media tends to be unsupportive and critical of nuclear energy and that Zaporizhzhia has negatively impacted the risk frames used by Irish media. Depending on the nation’s history with nuclear energy, and the government’s stance towards nuclear energy, the narrative of the newspapers were either positive or negative.Show less
Terrorism has been a highly salient issue in Europe for the past decades and is treated as an immediate threat to the states and citizens. This study focuses on the 2015-2019 terrorism wave and...Show moreTerrorism has been a highly salient issue in Europe for the past decades and is treated as an immediate threat to the states and citizens. This study focuses on the 2015-2019 terrorism wave and seeks to identify why states with similar characteristics respond differently to a common threat; through a comparative analysis of the cases of France and the United Kingdom. A securitization framework is applied to examine what ultimately leads to the variation of the actions in the two cases. The expectation is that intense securitization leads to a militaristic response, while low securitization levels lead to a criminal justice approach. The empirical analysis lends support to this argument; however, this study finds it possible that other explanatory factors might be interrelated to the proposed mechanism, influencing the result. This thesis, uses a framework of analysis that links the aspects of security and terrorism and endeavors to further contribute to the study of these topics.Show less
Although they had been on the rise for the last few decades, Radical right parties (RRPs) across Europe enjoyed a significant surge in popularity following the refugee crisis of 2015 that saw...Show moreAlthough they had been on the rise for the last few decades, Radical right parties (RRPs) across Europe enjoyed a significant surge in popularity following the refugee crisis of 2015 that saw millions of refugees pour into Europe. While these parties traditionally tend to contest elections on their distinct positions on socio-cultural issues such as immigration and religious polarization, their attitudes and preferences on socio-economic issues such as the welfare state have received little scholarly attention until recently. This paper aims to contribute to the growing literature in this domain by examining the changes in welfare attitudes of two RRPs: Germany’s AfD and United Kingdom’s UKIP, in light of the 2015 refugee. Analysis of the two parties’ election manifestos for general elections held before and after the crisis shows that the radical-right ideology of nativism and xenophobia is more pronounced in the socio-cultural dimension for both parties in the post-crisis period. But when it comes to the socio-economic dimension and their attitudes towards the welfare state, radical-right behaviour of welfare chauvinism is more pronounced in AfD’s post-crisis manifesto compared to UKIP’s. The paper concludes by suggesting that this disparity in welfare attitudes may possibly be a result of the two countries having different types of welfare regimes more than due to their different experience with the refugee crisis itself.Show less
"We have a chance to ride out this Omicron wave without shutting down our country once again," (Johnson, 2022). This quote was made by the British Prime Minister Boris Johnson on January 4th, 2022....Show more"We have a chance to ride out this Omicron wave without shutting down our country once again," (Johnson, 2022). This quote was made by the British Prime Minister Boris Johnson on January 4th, 2022. It shows the desire not to shut down the country by implementing another lockdown despite the highly infectious Omicron variant of the Covid-19 virus. This quote shows his perception on the virus, whilst on the other side of the world, Prime Minister Ardern had closed the national borders of New Zealand back in 2020 which have remained closed until further notice. This difference in policy adoption and decision-making processes between two countries which are seemingly very similar in terms of the economic stability, political stability, territory size, and collaborative international partners is very puzzling. This research will therefore concern the identification of the core cause of this difference in policy adoption. The research has been conducted through the use of official governmental legislative documents as well as reliable secondary sources in order to conduct a comparative small-N design-based research. The method of this small-N design is the Most Similar Systems Design II method which aims to uncover the key cause of the difference in outcome of a specific case. For this research, the theories by Kingdon (Kingdon, 1984) ; (Béland & Howlett, 2016) and Dai et al. (Dai, et al., 2021) are used.Show less
This research analyzed articles that focus on feedback in higher education, which were three of the main articles from The Cambridge Handbook of Instructional feedback; Peer Assessment Training in...Show moreThis research analyzed articles that focus on feedback in higher education, which were three of the main articles from The Cambridge Handbook of Instructional feedback; Peer Assessment Training in Teacher Education: Effects on performance and perceptions by Sluijsman, Brand-Gruwel and van Merriënboer (2002); and The Impact of Formative Peer Feedback on Higher Education Students’ Academic Writing: a Meta-Analysis by Bart Huisman, Nadira Saab, Paul van den Broek and Jan van Driel (2019). These texts are juxtaposed with the theoretical works on cultural differences by Erin Meyer (2016), and Geert Hofstede (2005), which will lead to the establishing of what cultural tendencies are influencing these approaches. These findings are then discussed to provide possible solutions to negate such differences in order to improve cross-cultural interactions in terms of written feedback in the higher educational setting.Show less
This thesis focuses on the factors that led to the military intervention of France and the United Kingdom in Libya in 2011. Both actors were at the forefront of discussions regarding how the...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the factors that led to the military intervention of France and the United Kingdom in Libya in 2011. Both actors were at the forefront of discussions regarding how the international community should answer to the threat to civilians posed by the Gaddafi regime, and remained prominently engaged throughout the process leading to the UN-mandated and NATO-led intervention. This research applies the multiple-stream framework as developed by John Kingdon (1984), to identify factors within the problem, policy and political streams defined by the theory. This allowed for several factors and actors crucial to the process to be identified, and for a comparison between the cases of France and the United Kingdom to be established. The multiple-stream framework analysis offers valuable insights into the processes at different levels of analysis, although the qualitative nature of this research hinders possibilities for generalizability.Show less
This thesis considers how British trade unions responded to the suddenly realistic prospect of British membership of the European Economic Community (EEC) following De Gaulle’s resignation of the...Show moreThis thesis considers how British trade unions responded to the suddenly realistic prospect of British membership of the European Economic Community (EEC) following De Gaulle’s resignation of the French Presidency in 1969. Through an analysis of the debates on British entry to the EEC that took place at the British Trades Union Congresses of 1970 and 1971, this thesis uses verbatim historical exchanges between trade union delegates to investigate the following. Firstly, the range of opinions held by various trade unionists from both those in favour and against British entry, in the face of the tendency to view organised labour as generally united in its views. Secondly, whether or not, in arriving at their views on the European Question, trade union representatives privileged economic arguments relating to the future living standards of their members and ideas relating to how industrial relations would operate in the EEC or whether broader political considerations actually proved more prominent. Finally, whether any link existed between a union’s stance on entry and whether it represented white-collar or blue-collar British workers or whether the fact that their members worked in domestically-focused sectors or export-oriented industries was more important.Show less
In 2011 Libya is torn apart by civil unrest in the form of an uprising against the Gadhafi regime. The European powers are divided over the course they have to take. A unified European response is...Show moreIn 2011 Libya is torn apart by civil unrest in the form of an uprising against the Gadhafi regime. The European powers are divided over the course they have to take. A unified European response is also hindered by the different mandates the European governments have regarding the use of force. This thesis seeks to find the reasons why the European states diverged over a case in which they had a common interest in the ‘Responsibility to Protect’. For this explanation, this thesis will focus on the political- and strategic cultures of France, United Kingdom and Germany and the way they influence the parliamentary debates.Show less
This study aimed to explore the differences in self-perceived identities, perceptions of social inclusion and perceptions of social progression of Somali-born migrants entering and residing in the...Show moreThis study aimed to explore the differences in self-perceived identities, perceptions of social inclusion and perceptions of social progression of Somali-born migrants entering and residing in the UK. The study focuses on whether these differences exist depending on whether migrants arrive from the Netherlands, a Member State of the European Union (EU), or whether they arrive directly from Somalia, a nation outside of the EU. Literature concerned with Somalis residing in the UK, as well as specific literature focusing on Somalis leaving the Netherlands to migrate to the UK was used to contextualise the study. The research consisted of 18 face-to-face interviews carried in the UK: 10 interviews with individuals who arrived from Somalia and 8 with those that arrived from the Netherlands. Based on the data collected from these interviews, self-perceived identities between the two groups largely differ. Those arriving from the Netherlands typically disassociate from their Somali identity. Secondly, formulations of identity play a pivotal role in perceptions of social inclusion and social progression. On arrival those arriving from the Netherlands perceive themselves to be more socially included and have higher prospects of progressing in society. In terms of how these factors change over time, few conclusions could be drawn – though it appears that differences in country of arrival may become less important. Nevertheless, Somalis residing in the UK from both groups hold positive perceptions of how they are progressing in society.Show less
Obesity prevalence is on the rise globally. Often, national policies to address this issue are lacking or have limited effect. Public health advocates are therefore campaigning for regulatory...Show moreObesity prevalence is on the rise globally. Often, national policies to address this issue are lacking or have limited effect. Public health advocates are therefore campaigning for regulatory measures in the form of a tax on sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs). In the UK, advocates achieved this goal, whereas in Australia, they did not. In this study, the question was asked whether the framing strategies used by public health advocates mattered in their effectiveness. The aim of the study was to increase understanding about the causal mechanisms behind framing. Through content analysis, this study showed that effective framing enabled advocates to guide the public and political debate about obesity and the SSB-tax. Dominating the debate, however, did not in itself result in policy change. Contextual factors matter in this regard. Show less
This thesis set out to answer the question “What can France and the United Kingdom teach us about the role of the state in developing an Artificial Intelligence strategy that aims to ensure...Show moreThis thesis set out to answer the question “What can France and the United Kingdom teach us about the role of the state in developing an Artificial Intelligence strategy that aims to ensure Artificial Intelligence that benefits society as a whole?” Based on the literature review, this thesis assumed that there seems to be a causal relationship between the technology understanding in governments and the role of governments in developing a national Artificial Intelligence system and strategy. Based on a comparative case study between France and the United Kingdom, this thesis anticipated to adopt the hypothesis. The main result from the case study analysis is that both government’s approach in developing AI seems to have an intensifying effect on technology understanding of a government. Drawing from the analysis, the British government pursues an industry-led approach focused on industrial progress and economic value whereas the French government pursues a predominantly research-led approach that focuses on AI autonomy and transformative capabilities of AI. The main conclusion is that the case study analysis indicated that because of the distant governmental role, the technology understanding of the government appeared inadequate to correspond how a future society with AI will benefit all of society and will not exclude certain social groups. When a government had a more central role in AI, it seems more aware of the necessary conditions in technology design (and further development for applications) that would ensure a future with AI technology that includes the entire society.Show less
This thesis looks at British society and the changes that have taken place in the British minds regarding the EU. It does so by analysing the political discourse and local changes that have taken...Show moreThis thesis looks at British society and the changes that have taken place in the British minds regarding the EU. It does so by analysing the political discourse and local changes that have taken place between the 1975 an 2016 referendum.Show less
This thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away...Show moreThis thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away from the EU by using language. The research is conducted through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of 25 speeches and statements by David Cameron and Theresa May. The timeframe begins when Cameron promised a referendum on EU membership in January 2013, and ends in October 2017, more than a year after the yes-vote. The analysis reveals that British discourse on common security threats was not gradually de-Europeanized, but internationalised by May by constructing the UK as ‘Global Britain’. Language on migrants from the EU to the UK was already de-Europeanized before the Brexit referendum, and did not change significantly after the referendum. In fact, it gradually normalised after Cameron’s General Election victory in 2015. This study also reveals that both prime ministers could ‘cherry pick’ identities, meaning that they could choose between constructing a national, European, or even global identity to their liking per policy area.Show less
As the first of its kind, this paper evaluates the UNHCR's construction of refugees in its annual campaigns between 2011 and 2016. First establishing the complex nature of anti-refugee sentiment in...Show moreAs the first of its kind, this paper evaluates the UNHCR's construction of refugees in its annual campaigns between 2011 and 2016. First establishing the complex nature of anti-refugee sentiment in the United Kingdom using Integrated Threat Theory and the trinity of policy, politics and media, the paper identifies the instances in which UNHCR has offset, overlooked or encouraged public hostility and protectionism. It is concluded that UNHCR’s campaigns before 2014 did not internalise local social and historical hierarchies and anti-refugee discourse. It was only with the ‘I Belong’ campaign of 2014 that UNHCR fulfilled its role as the global guardian of refugee protection norms, addressing UK anti-refugee sentiment directly and effectively.Show less
This thesis examines the conceptualisation of ‘civilian morale’ as a military idea in Germany and the United Kingdom between 1919 and 1939, arguing that the First World War played a major in morale...Show moreThis thesis examines the conceptualisation of ‘civilian morale’ as a military idea in Germany and the United Kingdom between 1919 and 1939, arguing that the First World War played a major in morale’s emergence within military theory. Adopting a hybrid approach to total war theory, the thesis employs the ideal-types of total mobilisation, total control, total aims, and total methods for its basic structure, but also looks at morale in relation to war as it was understood by contemporaries in a its historical context. Using the ideas of two prominent theorists: Erich Ludendorff and Basil Liddell Hart, this study concludes that morale was conceptualised as a new determinant factor in future warfare. It shows that the key lesson of the Great War had been that nation formed the core of any military effort, and whoever could successfully mobilise the nation possessed the greatest strength. Morale served as the variable that determined the success of this mobilising process. Controlling home front morale was thus essential for avoiding your own military collapse, but the theorised ways for achieving this differed between Liddell Hart and Ludendorff, which this thesis attributes to a dichotomy between Liddell Hart’s liberalist views as compared to Ludendorff’s totalitarian views. This divide also informed morale’s conceptualisation as a war target, with Ludendorff viewing the enemy’s morale as one of the elements that needed to be completely annihilated, with Liddell Hart conceptualising it as means for limiting war; the collapse of morale hastening the end of a war. Finally, this thesis examines two major technological innovations to come from the First World War: poison-gas and the airplane, and tracks how their role was theorised for use against morale as a war aim, underwriting civilian morale’s emergence as a concept of modern warfare.Show less
In this thesis, the gap between a steady and overwhelming majority of the British public in favour of legalisation of PAS and a political unwillingness to change the legal status quo is explored....Show moreIn this thesis, the gap between a steady and overwhelming majority of the British public in favour of legalisation of PAS and a political unwillingness to change the legal status quo is explored. The question that stands central in this historically uncharted topic is how this majority of public opinion was perceived and used in the parliamentary debates on PAS in both the HOL and HOC and how it has influenced these debates over time (1993-2015). From the first two chapters it becomes clear that mounting public pressure via media, lobby groups and court rulings resulted in multiple efforts through PMB’s to legalise PAS. In that sense, public pressure was already an influential factor in bringing about political debate and attention to the subject. It is further argued that from 2003 onwards the question of which role public opinion on PAS should play in the decision making provided for an authoritarian/liberal line of conflict. Lords and MP’s increasingly considered the argument that a majority of the public was in favour of PAS as one of the most important or in some cases even as a foundational justification to legitimise their claim for legalisation of PAS. These representatives were supporters of the concepts of liberty and autonomy of the individual to determine one’s own destiny. However, representatives opposing PAS in both Houses on the other hand showed a total distrust of the public opinion. They denied any involvement of public opinion on the decision making process and even found it potentially dangerous for policy making. They showed an authoritarian and superior attitude towards the ability of the public in making an informed decision on PAS. The increase in MP’s and Lords voting against PAS in the researched period shows that despite this intensive and growing debate on public opinion in parliament, public pressure has not been able to bend voting in favour of a majority.Show less
