In Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner’s [CFK] numerous speeches towards the Argentineans, other regional leaders and the members of the United Nations, CFK often criticises the West, International...Show moreIn Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner’s [CFK] numerous speeches towards the Argentineans, other regional leaders and the members of the United Nations, CFK often criticises the West, International Financial Institutions and neoliberalism. This thesis aims to discover what these speeches reveal about Argentina’s foreign policy issues [FPIs]. Specifically, this thesis focuses on the concept of State sovereignty, considering that CFK’s criticism towards the behaviour of the West is often reflected as colonialism and infringement of Argentina’s State sovereignty. In her speeches sovereignty is often reflected as of great importance to Argentina, but why? The research question is therefore formulated as: What do President Fernandez de Kirchner’s speeches on Argentina’s foreign policy issues reveal about the importance of State sovereignty to the Argentine Republic? This thesis will focus on CFK’s annual speeches before the UN General Assembly. We will discover that the speeches on FPIs reveal that in fact Argentina’s national interests are not secured and threatened, caused by the decision-making system of multilateral bodies [MBs]. These MBs are dominated by the developed countries and therefore reflect their interests and values. The developed countries therefore infringe Argentina’s State sovereignty by means of these MBs, by both the absence of mutual recognition and dealing on equal basis. CFK regards the behaviour of developed countries as unfair, abusing the weaker position of developing States for their own benefits.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Afrikaanse talen en culturen (BA)
closed access
In deze scriptie wordt aan de hand van de begrippen Input-, Throughput- en Outputlegitimiteit de invloed van legitimiteit op het beloop en de potentiële uitkomst van de MINUSMA-vredesmissie in Mali...Show moreIn deze scriptie wordt aan de hand van de begrippen Input-, Throughput- en Outputlegitimiteit de invloed van legitimiteit op het beloop en de potentiële uitkomst van de MINUSMA-vredesmissie in Mali beschreven. Aan de hand van enkele praktijkvoorbeelden als ook de beschouwing van de oorzaken van het huidig conflict wordt ook de dynamiek die tussen deze begrippen bestaat geanalyseerd. Concluderend wordt gesteld dat de missie niet volledig voldoet aan de legitimiteitseisen en dat dit consequenties heeft voor het succes ervan, waarvan we een deel nu al in de dagelijkse berichtgeving terugzien.Show less
From 1992 up to 1995 a Dutch-Belgian transportbattalion delivered humanitarian relief to the population of the war-torn Bosnia. Over 100.000 metric tons was distributed under the flag of the United...Show moreFrom 1992 up to 1995 a Dutch-Belgian transportbattalion delivered humanitarian relief to the population of the war-torn Bosnia. Over 100.000 metric tons was distributed under the flag of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR). Although the mission was highly succesfull, scholarly attention has almost exclusively been paid to the failures of UNPROFOR, most notably the fall of Srebrenica. This thesis draws attention to the more succesfull aspect of the mission: the delivery of humanitarian aid. It focusses on the Dutch-Belgian transportbattalion and its threefold mission: i) to secure the delivery of humanitarian aid, ii) to reduce the human rights violations and iii) to create conditions in which a political solution for the conflict could be reached.Show less
This thesis assesses the enforcement mechanisms of the Optional Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and its...Show moreThis thesis assesses the enforcement mechanisms of the Optional Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and its consequences for children in Colombia.Show less
The uprisings across the Middle East starting in 2010, commonly referred to as the "Arab Spring," have drawn widespread international attention to themselves. Two of the most violent instances, the...Show moreThe uprisings across the Middle East starting in 2010, commonly referred to as the "Arab Spring," have drawn widespread international attention to themselves. Two of the most violent instances, the uprisings in Libya and Syria, have seen a very different approach from the international community while having similarities in terms of violence and violations of international laws. The thesis examines how international relations theories, namely neorealism, constructivism, and liberal institutionalism attempt to expla the change in tone with regards to the application of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Each case study is examined in detail and both are related to international law which displays that R2P should have been invoked in both cases. A conclusion is drawn in favor of constructivism as the theory providing the best explanation for the change in R2P application.Show less
This thesis addresses how the United Nations Secretariat, and mainly the Secretary-General and the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), framed and legitimized their actions when they were...Show moreThis thesis addresses how the United Nations Secretariat, and mainly the Secretary-General and the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), framed and legitimized their actions when they were confronted with genocide in Rwanda in April 1994. It answers what discourse UN staff use to authorize inaction while working for an organization set up to save the people in the world from the harm that war brings. The purpose is to criticize the representation of the United Nations' identity by its own Secretariat in the face of powerful member states and other external constraints, to expose the discursive framing of the meanings and limits of peacekeeping and subsequently, to show the policies that derived from the discourse UN staff propounded. This is important because, as this thesis argues, the Secretariat’s discourse limits their understanding of peacekeeping and their own role in it, and in turn restricts their available policy options. A lack of independence and unwillingness to confront the status quo caused a discourse that created policy detrimental to the UN’s goals formulated in the Charter. An alternative conception of the role of the UN and its civil servants would have delegitimized their role as bystanders and provided different policy options than the ones set forth during the Rwandan genocide.Show less
The European Union’s representation to multilateral organisations is a vital element in its external action framework. The Union promotes an efficient multilateral system to advocate universal...Show moreThe European Union’s representation to multilateral organisations is a vital element in its external action framework. The Union promotes an efficient multilateral system to advocate universal rights and to respond to worldwide crises, with support of the international community. Global dynamics and power relations are changing. New threats to security and peace are altering and financial pressures confine the future development of peace and security capabilities. In the contemporary global order, the EU is called upon to assume greater international responsibilities. To achieve a more unified and continued representation in the multilateral system, EU coordination and representation are essential. To analyse the way in which EU representation operates in the multilateral system and whether the Treaty of Lisbon provides the appropriate improvements, two research questions are formulated: 1) how does the EU function in the multilateral system of the UN, and 2) does the Lisbon Treaty provide the EU with the means necessary to project a more coherent and effective multilateral representative framework? Using case studies on the UN Security Council and the UN General Assembly, the analysis examines the notion of European foreign policies versus European foreign policy. It will argue that though rhetorical support is strong, effective implementation is yet to be realised. The declared intention of unified external representation is not always persuasive, especially when the EU-28 fails to consolidate interests within the Union itself. However, throughout the development of the EU-UN partnership, multilateral representation of the Union has been greatly enhanced. In general, EU-UNSC representation is less coherent, mostly due to ‘high’ politics. Moreover, the seats of France and UK do not reflect the contemporary global order, nor do they specifically benefit the EU’s multilateral representation. In the UNGA, EU representation is more coherent. This is caused primarily by greater coordination, a weaker political agenda, and the Union’s enhanced observer status. The thesis will address why EU representation in the two most important UN bodies is dissimilar, and will provide an analysis of how the Lisbon Treaty has aided the Union’s ambitions in the multilateral system.Show less
This article investigates rebel opportunity structures in non-ethnic civil wars. It argues rebel leaders act rationally and decide on war and peace on the basis of security and economic...Show moreThis article investigates rebel opportunity structures in non-ethnic civil wars. It argues rebel leaders act rationally and decide on war and peace on the basis of security and economic considerations. Rebel leaders only demobilize if the net benefits of peace are greater than the net benefits of war. Third-party interventions, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations, are only able to end civil war when it offers credible security guarantees to the rebel group and sufficiently alters the incentives rebel leaders face through the disruption of the rebel war economy. Only if an outside intervention manages to curb profits emanating from autonomous rebel financing, such as illicit resource extraction and trade or outside state support, will war no longer pay and will rebels comply with provisions offered in a negotiated peace settlement. The theory is supported by case studies of United Nations peacekeeping efforts during the Sierra Leone civil war (1991-2002) and the Second Congo War (1998-2003) in the Democratic Republic of Congo.Show less
Bellamy and Williams claim that there is evidence that suggest a positive outcome in peace operations when the relevant regional organizations and the United Nations work together (2012, 848). They...Show moreBellamy and Williams claim that there is evidence that suggest a positive outcome in peace operations when the relevant regional organizations and the United Nations work together (2012, 848). They had only evidence that suggested this link and they did not fully investigate that claim . This thesis has looked at that claim in more detail. The research question that this thesis therefore investigated was: “How does the involvement of regional organizations affect the success of peace operations?”. There are a few answers that were expected. First that regional organizations can respond quicker to crisis situations. Research has shown that speed is vital for the success of peace operations (Hardt 2009). Regional organizations can respond quicker to crisis situations, because consensus is much easier reached between the member states and regional organizations have materials and personnel already in place (Hardt 2009, 388). Another expected answer was that the United Nations and regional organizations bring different skills to a peace operation (Yamashita 2012, 173). The United Nations have the financial funds and are good at the logistical side of the peace operation. Regional organizations can share the same history and culture of the country where the peace operation is taking place and are therefore more in touch with the local population (Yamashita 2012, 173). Also their territorial proximity to the conflict can be an asset (Söberbaum and Tavares 2009, 75). Regional organizations have a shared security dilemma and because of that they want to resolve the conflict successfully to reduce the chances of spill over (Söberbaum and Tavares 2009, 75) . To answer the research question the cases of Somalia and Liberia have to be compared to see what difference the involvement of a regional organization makes. When looking at the case of Somalia the mandate that the United Nations made was too ambitious (Crocker 1995; Crigler 1993). The United Nations lacked the manpower and the support of other organizations to make this peace operation a success (Crocker 1995, 68). Also they were too preoccupied with capturing the opposition leader Adid that they failed to protect the civilians and create a safe environment for humanitarian efforts to take place (Crigler 1993, 68). With the peace operation in Liberia the key for success lays in the fact that the United Nations and ECOWAS had their own role in the UN peace operation (Ramcharan 1996, 10: Aning and Aubyn 2014, 30). They divided the work and therefore each organization could clearly focus on their role. The United Nations could now focus on observing if all parties were upholding the peace agreement (Ramcharan 1996, 10; Aning and Aubyn 2014, 30). This in contrast to the Somalia peace operation were the United Nations had too much on their plate (Crocker 1995). ECOMOG was now responsible for the security of Liberia and the United Nations was responsible for the observations (Ramcharan 1996, 10). In Liberia the regional organization ECOWAS was also a contributing factor in creating a successful peace agreement. In the peace agreement the social, historical and cultural roots of the conflict were taken into account. ECOWAS made sure these aspects were in the peace agreement. This played an important role in the success of the peace agreement and eventually the mission (Ramcharan 1996, 30). The findings that this thesis has found can be summarized into a few points. Regional organizations in UN peace operations add to the success of the mission because of a deeper understanding of the cultural, historical and social background of the country and therefore help to create a peace agreement that will have more chances to succeed (Ramcharan 1996, 10). Furthermore regional organizations can help the United Nations in a peace operation by taking on some of the responsibilities of the United Nations. When the regional organization and the United Nations divided the work and responsibilities, the chances of success as seen in Liberia, are much higher (Ramcharan 1996, 10: Aning and Aubyn 2014, 30). When looking at the expected answers, the findings are in line of what was expected. As stated in the theory section of this thesis, the regional organizations and the United Nations bring different skills to a peace operation (Yamashita 2012, 173). In Liberia it is proven that dividing the work between the United Nations and the regional organization, therefore allowing the organizations to do what they are good in, the chances of a successful peace operation are higher (Ramcharan 1996, 10). Another expected answer was that due to shared historical and cultural experiences regional organizations are more in touch with the population (Yamashita 2012, 173). In this case the cultural and historical experiences are helpful for creating a peace agreement that has these aspects worked into it. With a peace agreement, like the one in Liberia, where the cultural and historical roots of the conflict are added. The chance is greater that all parties will uphold this peace agreement (Ramcharan 1996, 30). The findings are also in line of what other authors have said. Thakur argued that the United Nations was spread too thin when it comes to peace operations. The reason for that is the fact the United Nations is taken on multiple peace operations at a time (2006). Also when regional organizations conducted peace operations on its own, the United Nations had to take over because of a lack of funds (Durward 2006, 356). What is seen in Liberia is that the regional organization ECOWAS helped the United Nations in terms of military personnel and the United Nations provided the funds for ECOWAS (Ramcharan 1996, 10).Show less
This paper intends to explain the discrepancy in Western response to cases of conflict which appear to be comparable, and it aims to do so through a realist study of the West’s self-interest...Show moreThis paper intends to explain the discrepancy in Western response to cases of conflict which appear to be comparable, and it aims to do so through a realist study of the West’s self-interest involved. By differentiating these comparable cases between ‘Western’ and ‘non-Western’, this paper intends to put forward the theory that the West is biased towards non-Western conflict management activities in general. Thereby contradicting the commonplace Western-based literature, this paper aims to voice an alternative interpretation of the reasoning behind Western responses to non-Western efforts of managing conflict. Through studying four cases of interstate conflict management activities which did not enjoy implicit Security Council approval, and two further comparable and illustrative cases of domestic conflict, this paper aims to present empirical evidence for the theory as proposed. This analysis will adhere to a qualitative research design, and it will combine elements of a content- and discourse-analysis, thereby relying on scholarly written work as well as on political and media discourse related to the selected cases. As this analysis will subsequently conclude, the selected cases indeed illustrate an inconsistency in Western response to either Western or non-Western conflict management activities, thereby ruling in favour of the here argued theory that the West is biased towards non-Western efforts of managing conflict. Due to the argued Western ‘moral high ground’ in international affairs, this bias is consequently portrayed as a standard by Western governmental leaders and by Western media, thereby leading to a one-sided discussion in which non-Western countries have an inherent disadvantage; something this paper intends to contradict.Show less
After the 1990 elections, Myanmar has received attention from the international community. The United Nations (UN) has also been sending special envoys to find a peaceful and democratic outcome....Show moreAfter the 1990 elections, Myanmar has received attention from the international community. The United Nations (UN) has also been sending special envoys to find a peaceful and democratic outcome. Since 1995 four UN envoys have visited Myanmar on numerous visits. Since 2011, a quasi-civilian government headed by president Thein Sein controls the country and several reforms have been implemented. Moreover, Aung San Suu Kyi has returned to the political arena after being under house arrest for 15 years. Moreover, the role of the UN in Myanmar has been widely discussed. To what extent did the UN envoys influence the situation? Which mediation strategies were adopted? This paper researches the UN mediation processes that have occurred between 1992 and 2013 in Myanmar.Show less
The last three Secretaries-General of the United Nations have been Boutros Boutros-Ghali (1992-1996), Kofi Annan (1997-2006) and Ban Ki-moon (2007-present). All of them have been advocates of the...Show moreThe last three Secretaries-General of the United Nations have been Boutros Boutros-Ghali (1992-1996), Kofi Annan (1997-2006) and Ban Ki-moon (2007-present). All of them have been advocates of the principles of the United Nations and have as such been engaged in the promotion of democracy. This research investigates whether and why their democracy promotion efforts differ. It does so by means of literature study and content analysis of speeches of the Secretaries-General delivered to the General Assembly and the Security Council, with an additional focus on the Middle East. The analysis shows that for Boutros-Ghali democracy promotion was his top priority, but there is a decline in democracy promotion starting from Annan. In addressing what factors can account for this, this research contributes to existing theories of norm entrepreneurship, the understudied topic of issue emergence, and the debate between structure and agency.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
This thesis examines the possibility of international organisations exhibiting a degree of autonomous behaviour in the area of LGBT rights. It looks at three international organisations: the United...Show moreThis thesis examines the possibility of international organisations exhibiting a degree of autonomous behaviour in the area of LGBT rights. It looks at three international organisations: the United Nations, the OSCE and the Council of Europe and how they respond to their given mandate and pressure from Member States in implementing their LGBT policies. It finds that, sometimes despite a lack of consensus, they have adopted LBGT policies. People in leadership positions within the organisations in particular have played an important advocacy role, thereby demonstrating a degree of autonomous behaviour.Show less
